When Myanmar’s military seized power on 1 February 2021, the immediate consequences were political: mass protests, violent repression, and the collapse of a fragile democratic transition. Five years later, the deeper consequences are institutional. Myanmar is now experiencing a prolonged polycrisis, armed conflict, economic contraction, displacement, and humanitarian emergency, but at its core lies a crisis of governance.

Key Takeaways

• After five years of the military coup, Myanmar’s healthcare system has shifted from a fragile public service to a fragmented and increasingly privatised survival mechanism.

• Service disruption, funding instability, and institutional fragmentation have weakened Myanmar’s healthcare system.

• Workforce depletion, declining immunisation coverage, and rising out-of-pocket spending demonstrate a reversal in progress toward Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG 3).

Healthcare provides one of the clearest indicators of governance failure. Before the coup, Myanmar’s health system was fragile but was gradually improving. Public spending remained limited, yet vaccination coverage was rising, HIV and tuberculosis (TB) programs were expanding, and international partnerships were strengthening service delivery. The trajectory was uneven, but it was forward. Since 2021, that trajectory has reversed.

Sustainable Development Goal 3 (SDG 3) commits states to universal health coverage, financial risk protection, and epidemic preparedness. These are governance obligations requiring institutional capacity, fiscal prioritisation, territorial coordination, and professional autonomy. Myanmar’s post-coup experience demonstrates how quickly these foundations can erode.

This regression can be understood through three interrelated governance failures:

(1) collapse of access to healthcare;

(2) disruption of financing and financial risk protection; and

(3) institutional and territorial fragmentation driven by Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) participation and mass displacement.

1. Collapse of Access: Institutional Erosion and Service Breakdown

The most visible consequence of post-coup governance failure is declining access to healthcare. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), escalating conflict, displacement, and economic collapse have created a severe humanitarian crisis in Myanmar, with 19.9 million people requiring humanitarian assistance, including 12.9 million in need of humanitarian health services (WHO, 2025). Conflict-affected areas, including Sagaing, Rakhine, Kachin, Kayah, and northern Shan, face repeated disruptions to clinics, referral systems, and outreach services. Since 2021, approximately 433 attacks on healthcare facilities have been reported, according to WHO surveillance data (WHO, 2024).

Workforce depletion has critically weakened service capacity. Before the coup, Myanmar’s health workforce density stood at 17.8 doctors, nurses, and midwives per 10,000 population (WHO, 2024), already below the WHO benchmark of 22.8 required for SDG-compatible service coverage. By 2022-2023, reported figures fell to roughly 1.01 doctors and 1.96 nurses per 10,000 population (WHO, 2024). Nursing availability declined by an estimated 73 percent between 2019 and 2022 (WHO, 2024). These figures indicate systemic incapacity rather than temporary disruption.

Preventive services have similarly regressed. WHO and UNICEF WUENIC estimates show DTP3 coverage declining to around 48 percent in 2021 before partially recovering to 76 percent in 2023 (WHO, 2024). WHO estimates that around 1.2 million children in Myanmar are zero-dose or under-immunised, reflecting major disruptions to routine immunisation services following the political crisis (WHO, 2023). The WHO Global TB Reports (2024) document declines in TB case detection following the coup compared to pre-2021 notification levels. HIV testing and treatment continuity were also disrupted in conflict-affected regions (WHO, 2024f). Treatment interruptions increase risks of transmission and drug resistance, undermining previous gains.

Analyses in global health journals similarly highlight how conflict, health worker participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement, and infrastructure disruptions have collectively weakened routine healthcare delivery (BMJ Global Health, 2026; The Lancet, 2024).

2. Funding Disruption and the Re-Privatisation of Health Risk

Healthcare sustainability depends on financial protection as much as service availability. The 2023 Myanmar National Health Accounts show that 71 percent of total health expenditure was out-of-pocket (WHO, 2024g), among the highest in Southeast Asia. While public spending remained limited, international funding played a stabilising role in HIV, TB, malaria, and immunisation programs.

Several international humanitarian programmes have also been disrupted or suspended since the coup. Before 2021, international NGOs played a central role in supporting Myanmar’s health sector, particularly in HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria control, and maternal and child health services. However, political instability, operational restrictions, and new registration requirements have forced many organisations to scale back or suspend activities. Médecins Sans Frontières reported that Myanmar’s national HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis programmes effectively “shut down” after the coup as the public health system collapsed and partnerships with the Ministry of Health were disrupted (The New Humanitarian, 2021). Although other funding did not disappear entirely, coordination weakened, and long-term system strengthening stalled.

Simultaneously, domestic fiscal priorities shifted toward security expenditures amid economic contraction and declining tax revenues (WHO, 2024).Investigative reporting by Athan News has highlighted how public hospitals increasingly require patients to purchase medicines and supplies externally. The economic crisis has sharply increased household vulnerability. A United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) study warned that the combined effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the 2021 military coup could push up to 25 million people, nearly half of Myanmar’s population, below the national poverty line, reversing over a decade of poverty reduction (UNDP, 2021). When 76 percent of health expenditure was already out-of-pocket prior to the coup, further fiscal retrenchment deepens financial vulnerability and shifts health risk directly onto households (WHO, 2024g). Financial risk protection, central to SDG 3, has eroded, widening inequality.

3. CDM Participation, Displacement, and Territorial Fragmentation

Institutional fragmentation represents the third structural driver of health system unsustainability. Following the coup, an estimated half of the public-sector health workforce participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), withdrawing from state institutions in protest against military rule (Amnesty International, 2021). The mass walkout of doctors, nurses, teachers, and other civil servants significantly disrupted public service delivery, including healthcare, education, and social welfare systems.

While the CDM has been a central component of resistance to military rule, the withdrawal of large numbers of public-sector professionals created additional pressures on already fragile service systems. These disruptions occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic and amid escalating conflict, further constraining the health sector’s ability to maintain routine services and emergency response capacity. At the same time, conflict-related displacement has fragmented service delivery across regions, weakening referral systems and continuity of care.

Moreover, procurement systems and medical supply chains have deteriorated due to import licensing delays, transport insecurity, and currency instability. Restrictions on transporting medicines and medical equipment to conflict-affected and opposition-controlled areas have further complicated humanitarian delivery, particularly in territories outside military control. These constraints have contributed to shortages of essential medicines, including tuberculosis drugs and other life-saving treatments.

Conflict escalation has displaced millions. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, 19.9 million people were estimated to require humanitarian assistance in 2025, including approximately 4 million internally displaced persons and 1.5 million refugees (OCHA, 2024). Displacement disrupts vaccination records, HIV and TB treatment adherence, maternal health services, and chronic disease management. Health systems depend on territorial coherence, stable populations, referral networks, and administrative coordination. In Myanmar, territorial control is increasingly fragmented, and service provision varies significantly by region.

Long-established ethnic health systems in areas administered by organisations such as the Kachin Independence Organization and the Karen National Union have historically maintained parallel healthcare governance structures and community-based service networks. These systems have helped sustain basic services in some conflict-affected regions. However, newly contested territories under resistance forces such as the Sagaing Region aligned with the National Unity Government often lack comparable institutional infrastructure (BMJ Global Health, 2026). In such areas, healthcare provision frequently relies on mobile clinics, community volunteers, or humanitarian actors, resulting in uneven coverage and limited continuity of care (BMJ Global Health, 2026; WHO, 2024). Prolonged fragmentation risks institutionalising geographic inequalities in access to healthcare.

Implications and Recommendations

Myanmar’s health crisis demonstrates that humanitarian assistance cannot substitute for governance recovery. Sustainable progress toward SDG 3 requires restoring institutional functionality alongside emergency support.

Protection of health workers and facilities must be prioritised to safeguard service continuity and professional autonomy. Financial risk protection mechanisms require stabilisation through accountable pooled financing that supports essential medicines and primary care, particularly for displaced and low-income populations. Strengthening transparency and oversight in health financing and procurement is also critical. Even before the coup, Myanmar’s health system faced governance challenges, including weak regulatory oversight and risks of corruption in procurement and pharmaceutical supply chains. Since 2021, institutional collapse and severe staff shortages have further weakened accountability, with reports indicating that patients in some public hospitals have been forced to pay informal fees or bribes to access treatment and basic services (Frontier Myanmar, 2023). Finally, adaptive coordination among state, ethnic, and community-based providers is necessary to mitigate fragmentation and expand equitable coverage.

Health outcomes will remain the clearest indicator of whether governance recovery is taking place. Without institutional resilience, fiscal prioritisation of social sectors, and territorial coordination, healthcare will continue shifting from a public good to a private burden borne disproportionately by the poor and displaced.

References

Amnesty International Thailand. (2021). After coup, Myanmar military puts chokehold on people’s basic needs.

BMJ Global Health. (2026). Health system disruption and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar.

Frontier Myanmar. (2024). Myanmar’s public hospitals are failing their patients.

Human Rights Watch. (2025). Myanmar: Junta assault on health care hinders quake response.

Insecurity Insight. (2022). Myanmar: Attacks on health care in 2021 – Factsheet.

The Lancet. (2024). Health and humanitarian crisis in Myanmar following the 2021 military coup.

The New Humanitarian. (2025). Myanmar healthcare and disease prevention are neglected casualties of war.

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2021). COVID-19, coup d’état and poverty: Compounding negative shocks and their impact on human development in Myanmar.

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). (2024). Myanmar Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan.

World Health Organization (WHO). (2023). Decreasing zero-dose children threefold amidst pandemic and political unrest in Myanmar.

World Health Organization (WHO). (2024a). Myanmar External Public Health Situation Analysis.

World Health Organization (WHO). (2024b). Global tuberculosis report 2024. Geneva: WHO.

Frontier Myanmar. (2023). “No remedy”: A broken public health system fosters neglect and corruption.

World Health Organization (WHO). (2024c). Global Health Expenditure Database: National Health Accounts country profile.

Htay Su Wai is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc) and holds a Master of Public Policy (MPP) from the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin, Germany.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Education in rural Myanmar remains a critical challenge shaped by limited resources, language barriers, economic hardship, and unequal access to qualified teachers, yet it also presents an important opportunity for youth-led initiatives to drive inclusive and sustainable development.

Quality education has long been a central challenge in rural Myanmar due to limited access to schools, a shortage of qualified teachers, and socioeconomic barriers. Myanmar has been struggling with political instability and educational disparities between rural and urban areas. Achieving quality education is fundamental to long-term development and inclusive growth. There are many reasons why students in rural areas cannot access quality education.

Firstly, quality education is strongly reliant on teachers’ competence and the effective allocation of resources. The Myanmar Ministry of Education reports that over 20% of rural teachers are unqualified and often lack formal teacher training or university degrees. Most rural teachers are local people who finished only secondary education. They only use the rote learning method rather than a critical one.

According to administrators from ethnic education departments, language barriers affect the quality of education. Burmese is the only language used in the national curriculum. As a result, ethnic students find it difficult to learn lessons, lag behind peers, and lose interest in learning.

Another one is the economic barrier in rural areas. Economic barriers deeply influence access to quality education in rural areas. Even though learning at a government school is officially free, families struggle with indirect expenses such as uniforms and school supplies. And also, parents with a low education level focus more on immediate survival ahead of long-term education.

Infrastructure shortage is another critical barrier to providing quality education. Many rural schools lack basic facilities such as teaching aids, electricity, clean water, sanitary facilities and safe classrooms. According to the World Bank’s report, more than 70% of rural people lack electricity, which makes it impossible for teachers to use contemporary teaching resources, and for students, it can limit their study time and academic advancement.

Quality education aligned with Sustainable Development Goal 4 and youth participation in local communities are an important part of solving these problems. Young people can be leaders, mentors and innovators who can change educational disparities. Youth-led initiatives use critical methods and localised curriculum textbooks and make education more relevant. Youth can create a robust education system that supports social empowerment and quality education by making investments in youth-led initiatives.

There are 3 ways to strengthen quality education by focusing on sustainable strategies for youth-led initiatives. These are (1) Developing youth leadership and capacities, (2) Encouraging volunteerism and community- based learning, (3) Incorporating youth voices into national education.

Strengthening youth leadership through training in digital literacy and sustainable development would equip them to contribute more effectively. Capacity-building programs offer leadership, educational innovation and social awareness. Expanding youth-led digital literacy initiatives can accelerate community-based learning solutions. Linking youth-led education to livelihood opportunities can increase family support for schooling and reduce the number of students who drop out because of economic barriers.

Volunteer networks, community-based training facilities, and youth-led non-governmental organisations are essential for long-term educational growth. These organisations have successfully reached out-of-school children. However, their long-term impact is still limited by their lack of government recognition. In order to formalise their contributions, non-formal education programs, civil society, and government agencies should work together more closely through certification frameworks, resource support, and policy integration.

To ensure equitable and culturally relevant education in rural Myanmar, it is crucial to invest in young educators, especially those from ethnic minority backgrounds. Both the demand for instruction that respects language and cultural diversity and the lack of trained teachers can be addressed by funding teacher training programs for these young people. Schools that prioritise mother-tongue-based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) and participatory teaching methods tend to achieve higher student engagement. Myanmar may foster a cycle of long-term local leadership and educational resilience by allowing young educators to serve in their own communities.

By establishing Youth Advisory Councils within the Ministry of Education, composed of representatives from diverse regions and ethnic groups, it would help a lot for educational disparities. These councils would offer suggestions for policy implementation, teacher preparation, and curriculum development. Youth representatives could be part of local village education committees that serve as a contact between local government, parents, and schools. This participative approach guarantees the lived reality of youth in rural and conflict-affected areas.

Empowering youth in rural areas is an investment for the country’s long-term stability. Youth engagement offers a potential way for advancing quality education and achieving the broader vision of an inclusive, resilient, and sustainably governed society.

Thiri San Min holds a Bachelor of Arts in International Relations from East Yangon University. She is currently researching the Belt and Road Initiative and its impacts on Myanmar.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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In the Rohingya refugee camps of Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, education remains trapped between emergency relief and long-term sustainability, leaving an entire generation uncertain about its future.

Only a limited amount of education is available in the Rohingya refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. For more than a million displaced people, learning has become fragile, erratic, and uncertain. Although education in refugee settings is often discussed as a humanitarian issue, it is fundamentally a sustainability concern. Without access to high-quality, continuous education, entire generations risk being excluded from sustainable development, deepening inequality and instability far beyond the camps.

Education directly supports the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 4 (Quality Education) and Sustainable Development Goal 10 (Reduced Inequalities). However, budget cuts, structural disparities in learning levels, and policy restrictions continue to limit Rohingya children’s access to education. These barriers not only deprive children of their rights but also weaken the long-term resilience of displaced communities.

Two primary education systems are operating in the camps. The first consists of community-based schools run informally by Rohingya teachers during early morning and evening hours. These classes are often led by instructors who either developed their skills within the camps or previously taught in Myanmar. Families typically pay nominal fees. Although these schools are unlicensed, underfunded, and lack official certification, they sometimes offer instruction using the Myanmar curriculum up to Grades 10 or even 12.

Alongside them are learning centres supported by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and funded by local partners and international donors such as UNICEF. Some centres follow in-house programs focused on foundational literacy and life skills, while others use the Myanmar curriculum. These facilities are more structured, yet they generally provide education only up to lower secondary levels. Notably, there are no government-run schools, colleges, or universities operating within the camps. For most students who reach Grade 10, the educational pathway effectively ends.

This educational dead end significantly affects children’s motivation. Many begin school with aspirations of becoming doctors, engineers, teachers, or computer scientists. Over time, however, they realise that the system cannot support their ambitions. When education is not linked to viable opportunities, attendance declines, child labour increases, and early marriage, particularly among girls, becomes more common. Education shifts from being a pathway out of poverty to merely a temporary refuge from hardship.

Teacher recruitment and training further complicate the situation. In NGO-supported centres, teachers are hired by implementing organisations and paid through donor funding. Training is provided after recruitment, but it is often brief and inconsistent. Experienced educators are sometimes overlooked in favour of less qualified candidates due to administrative or regulatory constraints. As a result, teaching quality varies widely, and effective pedagogical methods, especially in science, mathematics, and digital skills, are not consistently applied.

From a sustainability perspective, this model is short-sighted. An education system that ends at basic literacy does not prepare young people for climate adaptation, sustainable livelihoods, or civic participation. Many young refugees express a strong interest in digital literacy, computer skills, vocational training, and emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence. These ambitions are not abstract; they reflect a genuine desire to contribute meaningfully to society if given the opportunity.

Investing in refugee education, therefore, is not charity; it is prevention. Education reduces dependency, mitigates social risks, and equips displaced populations to contribute to host communities and future reconstruction efforts. Reports from international organisations, including the United Nations and the World Bank, consistently demonstrate that education strengthens social cohesion and economic resilience, particularly in crisis-affected contexts.

To advance sustainability, education in refugee camps must evolve from an emergency response model to a long-term development strategy. This includes expanding secondary and post-secondary pathways, standardising teacher recruitment and training, integrating digital and vocational education, and recognising refugee-led initiatives as partners rather than temporary stopgaps. Donors and policymakers must align educational support with sustainability goals to ensure continuity rather than repeated cycles of disruption.

If sustainability means meeting present needs without compromising future generations, then denying refugee children access to quality education is inherently unsustainable. At its core, the Rohingya crisis is not only about displacement, but it is also about whether the global community is willing to invest in human potential where it has been most disrupted. Education is not a luxury reserved for stable societies; it is the foundation of stability itself.

Ata Ullah is a Rohingya refugee researcher, writer, and education advocate based in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. He is the founder of the NextGen Rohingya Network, focusing on refugee education, sustainability, and youth advocacy.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Amid Myanmar’s ongoing political turmoil, the absence of comprehensive sex education is fueling health risks and social vulnerability among youth, highlighting an urgent need for informed, inclusive, and sustainable educational reforms.

Since the 2021 military coup, Myanmar has experienced profound social, political, and economic disruptions. Among the less visible yet deeply urgent consequences is the increase in unprotected sexual activity and sexually transmitted infections (STIs) among young adults. According to the World Health Organisation (2023), Myanmar has reported a growing number of HIV infections among people aged 15 to 24, reflecting weakened access to reproductive services and public health outreach. Schools remain unstable, and social taboos surrounding sexuality remain. The lack of comprehensive sex education (CSE) in Myanmar shows that it is not only a public health failure but a broader governance crisis. In the context of sustainability, this issue underscores how fragile institutions undermine social resilience. Sustainable development, as outlined by the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), depends on inclusive education (SDG 4), gender equality (SDG 5), good health (SDG 3), and effective governance (SDG 16). The absence of CSE in Myanmar’s education system highlights how governance breakdowns can directly threaten social sustainability.

Before the coup, Myanmar’s sex education curriculum was limited and inconsistent. Lessons focused narrowly on reproductive biology and largely avoided topics such as contraception, consent, gender identity, and sexual rights (UNESCO, 2018). These gaps were compounded by social conservatism and religious sensitivity, which made open discussions about sexuality taboo in many schools and at home. After 2021, the education sector worsened further. Many teachers and students joined the Civil Disobedience Movement, while thousands of schools were closed, damaged, or militarised. Meanwhile, international and local NGOs such as Marie Stopes Myanmar and Population Services International, which once provided youth-friendly reproductive health services, were restricted or shut down (UNFPA, 2025). Young people increasingly turned to peers or social media for sexual health information, often encountering misinformation. Community health groups have noted a rise in sexually transmitted infections and unplanned pregnancies since 2022, particularly among displaced and urban youth (Save the Children, 2023). With health infrastructure weakened and reproductive services reduced, the absence of institutional sex education has translated directly into higher social and health risks.

Beyond public health data, social dynamics further reveal how the absence of structured sex education is being filled by unregulated digital content. A recent editorial video report by The Irrawaddy (2025) featured interviews with secondary school teachers who admitted that platforms like TikTok and Facebook play a major role in shaping students' views on sexuality. Teachers reported that sexual themes and online trends have normalised early sexual activity without awareness of protection or consequences. In the absence of formal, comprehensive sex education, social media effectively becomes the “teacher,” accelerating misinformation and unsafe behaviour among Myanmar’s youth.

Recent empirical research has highlighted the severity of knowledge gaps among Myanmar’s youth. An analysis of data from the Myanmar Demographic and Health Survey found that nearly half of sexually active young people had their first sexual encounter before the age of 18, and only around half reported using contraception. Educational attainment and regional factors were significant predictors of safe-sex practices, suggesting that both access to information and social context shape sexual behaviour. These findings highlight how the absence of comprehensive sex education contributes directly to risky behaviours and underscore the urgent need for policy intervention. Moreover, misinformation about sexuality contributes to discrimination against LGBTQ+ communities, undermining social inclusion and cohesion. True sustainability requires that all individuals, regardless of gender or identity, be able to make informed, autonomous choices about their bodies and relationships.

Comprehensive sex education is not merely an educational issue but a governance responsibility. Effective governance provides citizens with the knowledge and autonomy to make informed decisions. In Myanmar, the lack of CSE reflects deeper governance failures: the politicisation of morality, the silencing of civil society, and the neglect of youth rights. Teachers are often discouraged or penalised for addressing sexual health topics, as education policy remains centrally controlled and highly conservative. This suppression undermines young people’s access to information that could protect their well-being. Moreover, post-coup censorship and reduced NGO activity have restricted community-based initiatives, leaving few trusted channels for accurate education. The governance crisis following the 2021 coup has had devastating ripple effects on Myanmar’s education and health sectors, including widespread school closures, teacher arrests, and rising sexual and gender-based violence (Human Rights Watch, 2024).

From a sustainability perspective, this governance vacuum weakens three key pillars: social resilience, as youth become more vulnerable to preventable health risks; gender equality, as young women face disproportionate consequences from early pregnancies and unsafe sex; and institutional trust, which is compromised when schools and government systems fail to provide relevant, protective education. Neglecting sex education carries lasting social and economic costs. Rising rates of HIV, STIs, and teenage pregnancies place additional strain on an already fragile health system. In 2023, Myanmar recorded an estimated 11,000 new HIV infections, with a growing proportion among youth populations (UNAIDS, 2023). Many young women who become pregnant early face stigma, school dropout, and economic exclusion, reinforcing cycles of poverty and gender inequality.

Building sustainable reform in Myanmar demands a multi-layered strategy that recognises sex education as a governance and human rights issue. Comprehensive sex education should be integrated into the national curriculum based on UNESCO’s International Technical Guidance on Sexuality Education, which emphasises scientific accuracy, age-appropriateness, and inclusivity (UNESCO, 2018). Despite systemic challenges, small but meaningful initiatives have emerged to advance inclusive sexual education in Myanmar. According to UNFPA (2025), recent training programs have introduced comprehensive sexuality education modules that engage young people, including those with disabilities and LGBTQ+ identities. These programs emphasise diversity, consent, and human rights, reflecting an effort to align Myanmar’s youth education with global sustainability principles. Such inclusive approaches demonstrate how governance partnerships with civil society can still function as micro-level models of resilience, even within broader institutional collapse.

Teacher training must be prioritised, as many educators lack both the confidence and the pedagogical tools to teach sensitive topics effectively. Community-based and digital education platforms could supplement formal schooling, particularly in conflict-affected or remote areas. Collaboration among local bodies, international partners, and local NGOs is essential to destigmatise and mainstream sex education. Public campaigns that frame CSE as a health and sustainability issue rather than a moral or cultural one can gradually shift public perception. Governance reform must protect and empower civil society organisations that work on youth health and rights, as these actors play a crucial role in sustaining education and awareness when state systems fail.

To conclude, the crisis of sexual health among Myanmar’s youth is not simply a private or moral matter but a reflection of systemic governance failure. Sustainable development cannot be achieved while young people remain uninformed, unprotected, and stigmatised. Comprehensive sex education, when effectively implemented, strengthens social resilience, gender equality, and institutional trust, which are essential pillars of sustainability. Rebuilding Myanmar’s social fabric requires acknowledging that health and education are intertwined with governance and justice. Teaching young people about their bodies, rights, and responsibilities is not a threat to culture but a foundation for a sustainable future. In a country where so much has been silenced, empowering youth with knowledge can be the most sustainable act of all.

Htay Su Wai is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc) and holds a Master of Public Policy (MPP) from the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin, Germany.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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This article examines the ethical challenges posed by artificial intelligence and argues that a multi-stakeholder, value-based approach, integrating legal regulation, technical expertise, and international ethical frameworks, is essential for governing AI in a way that protects human rights, privacy, and social values.

AI and the Role of Algorithms

Along with the development of AI, the role of algorithms has become increasingly important, particularly in different types of machine learning within the AI field. Algorithms set up by computer scientists and engineers can be controlled by specific management systems for particular tasks; however, machine learning algorithms that result from the data we provide to AI systems are not fully controllable by computer scientists, especially when they cause harm by violating data privacy. Since people hope to benefit from these algorithms for business or other economic or social purposes, violations of personal data privacy and social values caused by these algorithms must also be brought to public attention. If algorithms cause harm to humans and their lives, they should indeed be regulated through proper regulatory frameworks within each country or society.

However, regulation is not the only or necessarily the best solution to control AI. An alternative approach is to design better algorithms or to grant technicians greater access to explore technical solutions independently. Nevertheless, technicians are not the only ones who understand every aspect of protecting human rights, such as regulators, police officers, or judges, and they are not the primary actors responsible for addressing violations of privacy or fairness. Therefore, legal scholars have focused on traditional solutions that attempt to regulate algorithms, data, and machine learning. Even though there are several debates and many unanswered questions related to ethical AI principles, there is a general belief in the importance of regulating AI or establishing ethical AI guidelines as an essential step toward benefiting society.

Ethical Challenges Posed by AI and EU Efforts to Regulate AI

Several challenges arise in AI technology, and some of the most common include discrimination and bias, privacy concerns, transparency, accountability, justice, and fairness. These challenges demonstrate the need to justify AI systems and to design effective AI ethics guidelines. The EU AI Act 2024 adopts a risk-based regulatory approach and classifies AI risks into different categories, such as unacceptable risk, high risk, transparency risk, and minimal risk. Firstly, unacceptable risks are strictly prohibited under Article 5 of the Act, as they violate fundamental EU rights and values.

Secondly, high-risk AI systems include those that impact health, safety, or fundamental rights, such as systems subject to conformity assessments or post-market monitoring, and these are identified under explicit criteria in Article 6 of the Act. Thirdly, risks related to impersonation, manipulation, or deception—such as chatbots, deepfakes, or AI-generated content—are categorised as transparency risks, and state parties are obligated to comply with information and transparency requirements. Finally, minimal-risk AI systems, such as spam filters or recommender systems, are not subject to specific regulatory obligations. However, the EU AI Act mainly focuses on a regulatory framework, and its ethical guidelines for AI remain unclear. Although the 2019 EU Ethics Guidelines for Trustworthy AI encourage AI systems to be lawful, ethical, and robust, they do not contain clear or explicit ethical sections or principles. To effectively regulate AI ethics, core ethical principles should be clearly articulated within the EU legal framework.

Defining AI Ethics by Key Stakeholders

Regulating technology is one of the most important duties of government, and it is not an easy task to perform perfectly in practice. Regardless of the outcome, governments must strive to protect public interests by providing legal frameworks to regulate AI. For example, the EU enacted the AI Act in 2024, introducing strict regulations and requirements for the benefit of the EU community. However, a value-oriented approach to defining AI ethics may be more effective than a purely regulatory legal framework, and governments should collaborate with technical experts to develop effective AI guidelines. While legal experts may lack sufficient technical knowledge of AI, technical experts and industries are at the forefront of AI advancement. Their involvement is beneficial because they possess the resources, expertise, and practical experience related to AI technologies. For instance, Google published its AI Principles in 2018 to address AI-related challenges, and Microsoft implemented the Responsible AI Standard based on six principles: fairness; reliability and safety; privacy and security; inclusiveness; transparency; and accountability.

In addition, academic researchers and legal scholars from both theoretical and practical domains of AI development should contribute to defining AI ethics. Inviting civil society organizations (CSOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) can further encourage the creation of ethical frameworks that respect human rights, equality, and equity through an inclusive approach. For example, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism introduced measures for due diligence and impact assessments on AI technologies used by private and corporate sectors.

Furthermore, the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights have demonstrated that Meta’s algorithms directly contributed to harm by amplifying anti-Rohingya content, including advocacy of hatred against the Rohingya, during the conflict between the Myanmar military and the Rohingya people. Additionally, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) adopted the first intergovernmental AI principles in 2019 and updated them in 2024, comprising five value-based principles and five practical recommendations aimed at promoting trustworthy AI. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) also adopted the first global instrument on AI norms and ethics for its member states through consultations with international experts and organisations. Therefore, a multi-stakeholder approach to defining AI ethics, bringing together governments, companies, legal scholars, technical experts, and international bodies, is necessary to promote shared responsibility and transparency in AI ethical principles.

Accordingly, this article recommends implementing a multi-stakeholder approach to defining AI ethics in each country, using existing guidelines as references to develop well-designed, ethics-based frameworks.

REFERENCES
1. Stuart J. Russell and Peter Norvig, “Artificial Intelligence: A Modern Approach”, 3rd Edition,2021
2. Ben Goertzel, Cassio Pennachin (Eds.), “Artificial General Intelligence” 2007
3. Michael Kearns and Aaron Roth, “The Ethical Algorithm: The Science of Socially Aware Algorithm Design”, Oxford University Press, 2020
4. Nathalie A. Smuha “The Cambridge Handbook of the Laws, Ethics and Policy of Artificial Intelligence”, KU Leuven Faculty of Law and Criminology,2025.
5. EU AI Act,2024.
6. https://ai.google/principles/
7. Microsoft Responsible AI Standard, v2, June 2022.
8. Brent Daniel Mittelstadt , Patrick Allo , Mariarosaria Taddeo, Sandra Wachter and Luciano Floridi, “The ethics of algorithms: Mapping the debate”, Oxford Internet Institute, University of Oxford, Oxford, UK 2 Alan Turing Institute, British Library, London, UK, 2016.
9. UN Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, 31st March,2024.
10. BBC, “Rohingya sue Facebook for $150 bn over Myanmar hate speech”, 8th December 2021.
11. UNESCO, “Recommendations on the Ethics of Artificial Intelligence” 26th September 2024.

Lwin Nyein Chan Thu holds an LL.M. in Business Law from Thammasat University, Thailand, and is currently working as a researcher and lawyer providing free legal services to youth detainees during the military coup in Myanmar.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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The article argues that global sustainability narratives remain “lost in translation” by privileging Western perspectives over local knowledge

Introduction

Orientalism was invented by European people who perceived the Eastern people as “the Orient” and as exotic and mysterious (Said, 1979, p. 1). And this Said’s Orientalism is still echoing in the current age, while it is believed that the world is moving towards sustainable development altogether. Lost in translation, as a contemporary artwork, illustrates this concept of Orientalism through artistic and narrative styles that are based on the Western perception. This essay will discuss some of these styles, including media dynamics, cultural binaries, misrepresentation, and incomprehension between Western and non-Western characters of the film, and connect these patterns with those of global discourse and movement towards sustainable development.

Media Dynamics

To describe orientalist media dynamics, it is the first to analyse current global media culture that emphasises the West’s imagination of ‘the East’ being exotic and mysterious (Said, 1979, p. 1). Lost in Translation serves as a contemporary artwork that subconsciously manifests Orientalism. There are controversial discussions surrounding Western loneliness and Eastern exoticism in this film. The film first tends to portray the unfamiliarity of American protagonists with Japanese culture with “dazzled humility” (King,2005, p.46). However, the film continues to portray Japanese characters as stereotypical Orient with the visuals including neon signs, bowing, strange customs, making them look unfamiliar and exotic, ultimately leading to “ bemused condescension” (King,2005, p.46). These visual settings and discriminatory scripts have spoken for Japanese culture from Western perceptions instead of the actual culture (King,2005, p.46). Said (1979) mentions that this cultural narrative is “ the corporate institution” in which the West controls the narrative and declares the statements about the Orient (p.3).

The pattern of orientalist media portrayal can be found in ingrained sustainable development discourse and agreement of the present and the past. Alagoz (2024) mentions in his “ Sustainable Orientalism” article that the notions of sustainable development and mutual benefits were visualised with the semi-naked African woman and the dressed European man: man exchanging finished goods and woman exchanging raw materials (p.139). These visuals aimed to promote “a gigantic colonial fantasy” of Europe and its territorial occupation of Africa and the Middle East for their economic sustainability, Alagoz (2024) further clarified (p.138). In the name of mutual benefits, the motives of the picture have manifested Orientalism by dominating the European features of a fine-dressed man and quality products in exchange for low-cost raw materials. This depiction influenced the narratives of geopolitical dynamics of post-colonisation, which are still mirroring cultural representation today. Said (1979) also mentioned this dynamic that “Orientalism is not just academic but a 'distribution of geopolitical awareness' through media, literature, art” (p.12).

Cultural Binaries

The intuitive argument countered from the West could be Occidentalism, which is the opposite of Orientalism. This term means Eastern people perceiving the West as rational: both of which are “man-made” (Said, 1979, p.5). This perception is depicted in the scenes of Lost in Translation, where Japanese characters look strange and confused by what the two Western protagonists are talking and where the male character is the tallest one in the elevator. However, most of these portrayals, such as East being the short and mysterious workers, and not subtitling the Japanese language, are mainly from the American characters that the images of “the cityscapes and curving off-ramps” are rendered like a tv screen to depict the western protagonists’ confusion and lost in translation of the signs (King,2005, p.48). Furthermore, this cultural domination is described by Said (1979) as Orientalism, separating the world into two: the Orient and Occident (p. 2). And, he further states that Europe found its cultural identity and strength in differentiating itself from the Orient (Said, 1979, p.3).

The similar cultural dichotomies between Western and Eastern states found in sustainable development, but in a different direction, are called Green Orientalism and Brown Occidentalism according to Heurtebise (2023, p.121). That means the West is in charge of all the environmental issues, climate change, and ecological disruption, such as global warming and loss of biodiversity (Heurtebise, 2023, p.125). Since the effects are not green, it is referred to as “brown,” leading to Brown Occidentalism (Heurtebise, 2023, p.125). On the contrary, Green Orientalism, being a self-identified term by Asians, is regarded as “holistic harmony” and “environmental wisdom,” unlike the European dualistic nature and capitalist (Heurtebise, 2023, p.125). The article continues to label this distinction as ‘Culturalization of Anthropocene" in Chinese Ecological Civilization that puts ecological crises as cultural binaries rather than augmenting these two (Heurtebise, 2023, p.126). However, what Alagoz (2024) defines as these cultural binaries is that the dividing lines between West and non-West show high and low cultural strength for developing economic and territorial highlighting the Western cultural domination (p.140).

Misrepresentation and Incomprehension

As the last part of assessing Lost in Translation in parallel to current sustainable discourse, the focus lies on the lack of cultural comprehension between Western people and non-Westerners. There is a hospital scene in the film where the Western protagonist has imitated and mimicked the question of a Japanese grandma since he did not understand it (King,2005, p.46). The highlight of what turned the tables is Western people imitating the Japanese language. However, it is rebutted with the fact that there was a lack of understanding or translation of the Japanese language, and this incomprehension in film ultimately leads to linguistic insignificance and undermining local power and knowledge (King,2005, p.48). This proves Said’s assertion that “ the relationship between Occident and Orient is a relationship of power, of domination…. hegemony” (Said, 1979, p.5). This point has been mirrored in Sustainable Orientalism, which is assessed by “ the circulation of thoughts” in the Western sustainability metrics (Alagoz, 2024, p.149). The imagination of sustainability is still ingrained as achieving the lifestyles of the First World without mere consideration of local culture and knowledge of non-Western (Alagoz, 2024, p.149). Thus, there is a need to address this cultural domination and binaries and work on representing the truth of both Eastern and Western cultures. And, it is claimed by Heurtebise (2023) that transcultural environmentalism as a solution means “transcending cultural specificities and linguistic barriers” (p.142).

Conclusion

In conclusion, Lost in Translation, in its attempt to portray loneliness and isolation of the Western protagonists surrounding the Eastern people, manifests Orientalism by dominating media portrayal, misrepresenting culture, and lacking linguistic comprehension. These ingrained trends mirror the discourse and agreement surrounding global sustainability, and this needs to be addressed by augmenting cultural binaries and breaking linguistic incomprehension to shape the actual sustainable development of the world.

References
Alagöz, G. (2024). Sustainable Orientalism: Hegemonic discourses for environmental sustainability and their transmission to non-Western habitats.
https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7ww6h030
Heurtebise, J.-Y. (2023). Green orientalism, brown occidentalism, and Chinese ecological civilisation. Asian Studies, 21(1), 63–86.
https://journals.uni-lj.si/as/article/view/11669/11985
King, H. (2005). Lost in translation. Film Quarterly, 59(1), 12–21.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/fq.2005.59.1.45
Said, E. W. (1979). Orientalism. Vintage Books.

Khine Yin Thaw is a Bachelor of Arts student at Parami University, United States.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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As thousands of Myanmar workers seek opportunities in Malaysia, this article examines their motivations, struggles, and broader social implications.

Introduction

Migration from Myanmar to Malaysia has become one of the most significant labour movements in Southeast Asia. Malaysia’s expanding industrial base and continuous demand for affordable labour have made it a primary destination for Myanmar migrants. Among the estimated 800,000 Myanmar workers living in Malaysia, many view migration as a means to escape economic hardship and political instability in their home country.
Despite their significant role in Malaysia’s economy, these workers often remain marginalised and underrepresented in public discourse. In early 2024, Frontier Myanmar reported that the Malaysian government introduced a voluntary repatriation program starting on 1 March 2024. The policy encouraged undocumented migrants to surrender to the authorities and return home without prosecution by paying a fine of 300–500 ringgit per immigration offence. This move signalled Malaysia’s increasingly strict approach toward undocumented labour, even though the country continues to rely heavily on migrant workers to sustain its industries.

Reasons for Migration

The migration of Myanmar citizens to Malaysia can be explained through both push and pull factors. Push factors stem from conditions within Myanmar. Persistent economic instability, unemployment, and political uncertainty have forced many citizens to seek opportunities abroad. The 2021 military coup further intensified the economic crisis, leading to inflation, rising poverty, and limited access to stable employment. For many rural families, labour migration has become one of the few viable strategies for survival and income generation.
Conversely, pull factors are linked to Malaysia’s expanding economy, which offers higher wages, greater job security, and improved living standards compared to Myanmar. The most common employment sectors include manufacturing, construction, agriculture, plantation work, and domestic service. Social networks also play a vital role in facilitating migration, as friends and relatives who have already migrated assist newcomers in finding jobs and navigating legal procedures. Over time, these social connections have established a strong and continuous migration corridor between Myanmar and Malaysia.

Theoretical View of the Intended Migration

The Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) provides a useful framework for understanding the intentions of Myanmar workers to migrate. The theory suggests that human behaviour is influenced by three components: attitude toward the behaviour, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control.
For many Myanmar migrants, the attitude toward migration is highly positive. Young individuals, in particular, view working abroad as a means to achieve financial independence, support their families, and enhance their quality of life. Migration is perceived as a symbol of progress, ambition, and empowerment.
Subjective norms, or social expectations, also shape migration decisions. Within many Myanmar communities, migration to Malaysia is considered a mark of success. Families and neighbours often respect and admire those who send remittances home, which reinforces the idea that working abroad is both honourable and beneficial.

Finally, perceived behavioural control refers to an individual’s belief in their ability to migrate successfully and adapt to life in a new country. Despite knowing the challenges of working in so-called 3D jobs (dirty, dangerous, and difficult), many believe the opportunity to earn a higher income outweighs the associated risks.
According to UNDP (2024), approximately 40 per cent of Myanmar youth expressed a desire to migrate abroad if given the chance. This indicates that migration is not merely an economic decision, but also a social and psychological phenomenon deeply rooted in both community influence and personal ambition.

Issues and Challenges

Although Malaysia benefits from the labour of Myanmar migrants, these workers continue to face numerous legal, economic, and social challenges. Legal documentation remains one of the most pressing concerns. The Irrawaddy (2024) reported that around 500,000 Myanmar workers are officially registered, while the remaining 300,000 live and work without valid documentation. Undocumented migrants face the constant threat of arrest, detention, and deportation under Malaysia’s immigration laws. Although the 2024 repatriation initiative provided temporary relief, the requirement to pay fines ranging from 300 to 500 ringgit (USD 70–120) was financially burdensome for many low-income workers.
Exploitation and labour abuse are also widespread. Numerous human rights organisations have reported cases involving recruitment fraud, unpaid wages, passport confiscation, and unsafe working environments. Many migrants endure long working hours, minimal rest, and poor occupational safety. Furthermore, Myanmar migrants often encounter social discrimination and cultural exclusion. They are frequently viewed as temporary or low-status residents and are excluded from welfare programs. Language barriers, unclear legal rights, and frequent policy shifts further increase their vulnerability and insecurity.

Benefits to Myanmar’s Economy

Despite these hardships, the contribution of Myanmar migrant workers remains vital to the country’s economic development. According to the World Bank (2023), Myanmar migrants abroad remitted approximately USD 1.5 billion, representing around 2 per cent of the nation’s GDP. These remittances serve as a crucial lifeline for families, enabling access to education, healthcare, and improved living conditions while stimulating local business growth.

Conclusion

The situation of Myanmar migrant workers in Malaysia highlights the complex nature of labour migration, which is a process that provides opportunities for personal growth while exposing workers to structural inequalities and risks. Addressing these challenges aligns closely with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly Goal 8: Decent Work and Economic Growth, which emphasises fair labour practices, safe working conditions, and equal opportunities for all workers. For migration to become a truly sustainable and empowering process, both governments must strengthen labour governance, ensure fair recruitment, and expand legal migration pathways. Providing skill-development programs, digital training, and entrepreneurship opportunities such as SME and start-up support can also help migrants build long-term financial independence. Ultimately, when human dignity is respected and economic opportunities are shared equitably, migration can evolve from a necessity into a vehicle for inclusive growth and regional prosperity.

Khant Eaint Hmoo is a Bachelor of Economics (Hons) student from Albukhary International University, Malaysia.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Education plays a transformative role in post-conflict recovery, serving not only to rebuild schools but also to foster reconciliation, social cohesion, and sustainable peace.

Key Takeaways:

1. Education reform must go beyond reconstruction to promote trust, identity, and peace-building in divided societies.

2. Inclusive and multilingual education policies, as seen in Nepal and Timor-Leste, are essential for social equity and national cohesion.

3. International partnerships and flexible learning pathways can strengthen resilience, reconciliation, and long-term stability in post-conflict Myanmar.

Conflict and Education

Education is one of the most critical foundations for rebuilding societies after violent conflict. Before rebuilding schooling, education plays a transformative role in fostering reconciliation, social cohesion, and stable peace. Conflict-affected countries face destroyed infrastructure, fractured governance systems, traumatised communities, and politicised curricula. Education recovery is not simply restoring infrastructure but building trust, identity, and inclusive nation-building.

For Myanmar, with over seven decades of ethnic conflict with a fractured education system, the experience of Nepal and Timor-Leste can give instructive lessons for education recovery. The education recovery method in these countries can outline how Myanmar might rebuild an inclusive, harmonised education that supports federal, inclusive, and peaceful societies for future generations.

Nepal’s education reform

Nepal has been through multiple political transitions: from monarchy to republic, from unitary to federal state. These transitions shaped education reforms and were both targeted by the policy and became a site of contention. The Nepal education sector played a vital role in peace-building and violent prevention by fostering mutual understanding and tolerance during conflict and post-conflict settings. During the Maoist Insurgency from 1996-2006, both the government and the Maoists viewed schools as key sites for propaganda campaigns, which resulted in high dropout rates.

After ending the decade-long conflict in 2006 through the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA), Nepal took the initiative in its education sector, especially in the primary education sector. In 2009, Nepal adopted the School Sector Reform Plan (SSRP) for 2009-2015 as part of a peace dividend with the help of Development Partners. In the SSRP, Nepal ensured equity and social cohesion for disadvantaged groups, including conflict-affected people, by allocating seats for teachers and management positions. As a result, the historically excluded people (Dalits) and indigenous people (Adivasi) got a chance to participate in the education reform sector.

Afterwards, Nepal launched the most transformative policy initiative, the School Sector Development Plan (SSDP) in 2016. The School Sector Development Plan (SSDP) leverages the Nepal education system by increasing enrollment rate, enhancing teacher competency, and strengthening school accountability systems. SSDP also offers scholarships for Dalits and martyrs’ children, and mother-language published textbooks (21 languages), enabling mutual understanding among different ethnic groups and creating harmony among diverse societies. As a result, the literacy rate climbed from a meagre 25% in 1981 to 67% in 2021 due to its educational reforms and initiatives.

Despite several successes, Nepal is facing challenges in constructing a federal education bill for future implementation. In 2023, Nepal’s parliament registered the School Education Bill to replace the outdated Education Act of 1971 transitions Nepal into a federal education system. This bill aims to empower local educational autonomy and reconstruct school education with federalism and inclusive education, leading Nepal to commit to its constitutional federal state vision. There are several attempts with multiple introductions and long parliamentary reviews, but they failed to stall due to major stakeholder backlash. Teachers’ unions and federations repeatedly protested, resulting in the closure of public schools in 2023 and again mobilised in 2024-2025.

Timor-Leste’s recovering education

Following the UN-sponsored referendum in 1999, Timor-Leste gained full independence in 2002. Home to 1.4 million people, Timor-Leste was occupied by Indonesia for 24 years and lived under 450 years of Portuguese colonial rule. In 1999, following Timor-Leste’s vote for independence, pro-Indonesian militias destroyed about 90% of schools and educational infrastructure, causing a near-total collapse of the education system. Indonesia invaded Timor-Leste, resulting in a significant loss of 90% of schools and the educational workforce. The post-conflict impacts, including the destruction of infrastructure, large-scale displacement, and interrupted schooling, left the education sector in an extremely fragile state.

Due to the violence unleashed by the Indonesian invasion, a fifth of the population was prevented from finishing basic education. After decades of conflict and instability disruptions, Timor-Leste has implemented structured education policies to foster an inclusive education system that empowers citizens for nation-building and peace and stability. Another challenge in educational reform lies in the insufficient growth rate of the teaching workforce, as teachers are overburdened due to limited resources and increasing classroom sizes.

Timor’s curriculum has developed over time into an indigenous curriculum that focuses on the country’s culture, history, and environment to strengthen Timorese national identity for Timorese. In 2010, the Timorese government, with the help of international organisations, implemented the “Equivalency Education Program”, offering young people and adults the opportunity to pursue education through a condensed curriculum of primary and secondary education. During 2010-2017, the World Bank also funded the Second Chance Education Project, which aimed to help adults complete their basic education, and 197 students had graduated by 2017. These initiatives allow the conflict-affected Timorese population to pursue an accredited education system through a systematic approach.

Language reform is another key component for education reform in Timor-Leste. The Indonesian invasion in 1999 introduced the Indonesian curriculum into Timor to “Indonesianize” the people, and more than 90% of all secondary teachers were Indonesian at that time. After gaining independence, Timor-Leste adopted Tetum as the main language of instruction in the early primary years, gradually incorporating more Portuguese over time. The Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport (MoEYS) conducted Curriculum reform in 2013 for basic education, improving teaching quality and student learning outcomes.

Timor became a full ASEAN member in November 2025 despite its painful history with Indonesia. Timor Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão states that ASEAN can learn “Maybe in peace, and reconciliation dialogue,” from Timor-Leste. Timor-Leste also joined the Southeast Asia Primary Learning Metrics (SEA-PLM) as part of its educational reform. Joining the ASEAN and SEA-PLM can enhance Timor’s strategic educational reforms in adaptations in local languages, Tetum and Portuguese. Education became a key site for national identity, reconciliation, and social cohesion for Timor-Leste, although it is still fragile and in the rebuilding stage.

Peace and reconciliation models stand as a pillar for Timor-Leste’s emerging education policy. Many peace education programs are being implemented with the help of international organisations, including Heavenly Culture, World Peace, Restoration of Light(HPWPL), and UNESCO. HPWL implementation aims to lead Timor Leste’s schools to become a violence-free and peace-promoting environment while UNICEF conducts training for sustaining Peace through transformative education. These programs demonstrate how education can rebuild human capital and promote social cohesion in post-conflict societies.

Recommendations for Myanmar

A future peaceful Myanmar requires an education system that teaches not only literacy and skills, but also dignity and coexistence for all societies. The classroom can become a place where trauma is transformed into resilience with the right strategic implementations.

Lessons from Nepal and Timor-Leste can be used to rebuild the fractured education system due to political instability and conflict-affected settings. Key recommendations for future implementation include:

1. Adopt a federal and inclusive framework: development of federal education law will empower local authorities and democratic education while maintaining national standards, ensuring marginalised people have access and representation in policymaking.

2. Integrate Peace and Reconciliation in Education: Schools should foster social cohesion through peace education, inter-ethnic dialogue, and conflict-resolution programs.

3. Implement a Multilingual and culturally sensitive curriculum: Incorporate local languages alongside Burmese to improve inclusion and learning outcomes.

4. Provide Flexible Learning Pathways: offer equivalency and second-chance programs for CDM students, displaced children and adults, addressing gaps of conflict and prolonged disruptions.

5. Leverage International Support: Collaborate with international initiatives for technical, financial, and consultative support to adapt reforms strategically.

In this way, Myanmar can transform education into a tool for reconciliation, social cohesion, and human capital development. The new education system will ensure inclusive and peaceful nation-building for future generations and support the country’s long-term vision of federalism and equity for all.

Aung Thet Paing Hmue is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc) with over two years of experience in the humanitarian sector. Currently residing in Thailand, he navigates cross-border challenges while building his professional future.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Ethnocentric education curriculum strengthens Burmanisation, leading to the failure of social cohesion and peace building.

Key Takeaways:

1. Myanmar is a culturally rich and diverse country, experiencing social ethnic conflicts for over 60 years.

2. Ethnocentric education and majority-centred curriculum designs are detrimental to the country’s peace-building efforts.

3. Decentralised and localised education, including mandatory civic education, might be a solution to save a fragile country like Myanmar.

Myanmar is a diverse and multicultural country with 144 ethnic groups, according to the 1973 census, residing within its borders. The dominant group is the Bamar, which comprises two-thirds of the country’s population. Since gaining independence from the British colony in 1948, the country has faced a prolonged civil war. Shortly after independence, Myanmar experienced ethnic insurgencies, including the Bamar Communist Party. Following the first military coup in 1962, the coup led to the formation of many ethnic armed organisations.

The Myanmar military has used its power to manipulate and restrict the rights of ethnic minorities. Ethnic groups were marginalised and persecuted since before the 1962 coup, but it got worse under the military rule after the 1962 coup. The military regime only promoted Buddhism, the religion practised by the majority of the Bamar, and prioritised culture, tradition, and language of the Bamar majority, leading to Burmanisation, which has weakened social cohesion and obstructed peace-building efforts.

Several factors have contributed to the breakdown of social cohesion and peace-building in Myanmar. The key causes are the centralised Burmanisation policies of the military government, the exploitation of resources from ethnic areas with little or no benefit for local communities, the cultural dominance of the Bamar majority, and the exclusive educational design, including the medium of instruction and curriculum design. In this article, I will focus particularly on how the design of the history curriculum plays a pivotal role in shaping social cohesion and building peace with ethnic minorities.

Background of Myanmar in the Secondary Curriculum

Myanmar’s origins are often traced to the ancient Pyu cities. Still, it rose to prominence as a kingdom during the reign of King Anawrahta in the early 11th century, during the Bagan era. In the basic education history curriculum, students begin learning early Myanmar history from Grade 6 under the new education system (or Grade 5 under the old system). In the first year of middle school, the history curriculum focuses on the Bagan dynasty, highlighting its cultural development and connections with the Mon kingdoms during the reign of King Anawrahta. In the early 11th century, King Anawrahta conquered Thaton, the capital of the Mon kingdom. He introduced Theravada Buddhism from the Mon kingdom to the Bagan dynasty, along with Mon culture, art, and tradition, which significantly accelerated the development of Bagan’s civilisation.

In the history of Myanmar, the Mon and Arakan (Rakhine) can be assumed to be the earliest civilisations in terms of culture, religion, and literature, rather than the Bamar. The Mon kingdom of Thaton is said to have emerged as early as the 6th century BCE. And the Arakanese kingdom of Dhanyawaddy developed in the mid-4th century CE. The Arakan kingdom benefited from the expansion of maritime trade routes from Asia to the Mediterranean, and the Mahamuni Buddha Statute was also constructed during this era. During this time, Bagan was still a small village and had not yet become a centre of civilisation. It was only in the 11th century, under King Anawrahta, that Bagan rose to prosperity and became a significant cultural and political power1.

In the secondary-level history curricula, the focus is primarily on the Bamar dynasties such as Bagan, Ava, Taungoo, Nyaungyan, and Konbaung. By contrast, the earliest civilizations, such as Suvannabhumi, the Mon kingdom, and the parallel Mon kingdoms of Hanthawaddy2, the Arakanese kingdoms of Dhanyawaddy and Vesali, and the Maw Shan polities3 that became powerful at the fall of the Bagan dynasty, are not highlighted.

Mrauk-U in Arakan was a parallel kingdom alongside the Konbaung Bamar Kingdom. The Bamar kingdom conquered it during the reign of King Bodawpaya4. About forty years later, the Bamar king ceded Arakan and Tanintharyi to the British during the First Anglo-Burmese War, as per the Treaty of Yandabo. Before its conquest, Arakan was an independent kingdom, and even after the conquest, it maintained only around forty years of direct connection with the Bamar before being handed over to British rule till the time of independence.

The history curriculum is centred on the Bamar majority despite ethnic groups possessing their own rich and longstanding histories.

Ugly Incidents of Barmanisation

During the era of parliamentary democracy following Burma’s independence from the British colony, Arakan and Mon did not receive recognition as separate states. Rakhine was incorporated as a division within the Union of Burma, rather than as an independent state, and Mon was included as part of the Tanintharyi Division, rather than having its own localised administration. From the Bagan dynasty through the post-independence period, the history curriculum primarily focused on Bamar kings, heroes, and revolutionary leaders, such as General Aung San. This neglect of ethnic heroes, cultures, and histories contributed to the Burmanization.

The impact of Burmanisation is evident in the NLD government's attempt to name the Chaung Sone Bridge in 2017 after General Aung San, a Burmese politician and the father of modern Burma. The bridge is located in Chaung Sone township, Mon State, and its naming caused resentment among the local Mon people. The local Mon community protested, preferring names such as Chaung Sone Bridge, or honouring notable Mon figures like Queen Shin Saw Pu, King Yarzardirit, or Mon Hero Ae Mon Tra. Eventually, the dispute was brought to the Pyithu Hluttaw, the lower house, and decided by a voting system. The motion to name General Aung San was approved with a majority vote from Bamar Hluttaw representatives.

In 2019, a similar issue arose in Loikaw, Kayah (Karenni) State. At Gandar Hay Won Park, the NLD government installed a bronze statue of General Aung San as an honorific monument. Honorific statues symbolise the identity, history, and values of a nation or an ethnic group. The Karenni people considered it disrespectful to the Karenni state, as it had never been under direct British colonial rule. Hence, they protested against the General Aung San Statute. However, despite their opposition, the statue was initially installed, though it was later relocated after widespread demonstrations by the Karenni community. However, six young activists who led the protest were prosecuted for causing political unrest and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment with hard labour by the Loikaw court, which was under the control of the NLD-led state government. Both the Chaung Sone Bridge confrontation and the Karenni Bogyoke incident highlighted the failure of many Bamar people to stand in solidarity with ethnic minorities facing marginalisation and racial bullying.

Moreover, in the Student Councils of secondary schools, there are five teams named after Bamar kings, such as Anawrahta, Bayint Naung, Kyansittha, Alaungpaya, and Commander Maha Bandula. Throughout Burmese history, from the Bagan period to the post-independence era, national recognition has primarily been limited to the Bamar kings, such as Anawrahta, Bayinnaung, and Alaungpaya, as well as independence heroes like General Aung San. Obviously, monarchs like Razadirit or heroes such as La Gon Eain and Banyar Dala are omitted. Furthermore, other fallen martyrs, together with General Aung San, for independence, who sacrificed their lives, such as Burmese Muslim cabinet minister U Razak, Karen minister Man Ba Khine, and Shan minister Sao San Tun, have not been similarly acknowledged as national heroes. This selective recognition, rooted in ignorance of the whole history, is a significant cause of Burmanisation.

Civic Education in the Post-Civil War Context

The federal education system allows ethnic states and regions to design parts of their own curriculum that reflect their local histories, cultures, and heroes, which could be a solution. Otherwise, to increase reconciliation among all ethnic groups, including both Bamar and non-Bamar, implementing civic education is also required. Following the education system reform in the 2017-2018 academic year under the NLD government, updates and reforms have been implemented for the civic education curriculum. In the traditional education system, the civic education curriculum primarily emphasised moral values. But in the new system, the civic education curriculum includes morality, human rights, citizenship responsibilities, and peace-building. Nevertheless, civic education should not remain just in the textbook. Its values must be deeply understood and practiced by every citizen, and taught from the basic education level.

In teaching civic education, it is crucial to involve ethnic intellectuals and social and political activists in designing the curriculum to address their challenges. As Matthew D. Nelsen, the author of ‘The Color of Civics,’ advised, “ Civic learning should include critical categories of knowledge that highlight how marginalised groups have challenged the dominant sociopolitical system and should enable young people to explore the deep historical roots of local and national political challenges. To do this, civic learning must be meaningfully embedded in the local context and connected to the lives and experiences of students,” in his book.

To conclude, as educational policy makers and social scientists play a critical role, educators and teachers should also have a deep understanding of civic education. The role of teachers in promoting civic knowledge is pivotal, as their attitudes and lived experiences directly influence the implementation of more empowering civic learning environments. In the future of Myanmar, a non-ethnocentric curriculum that embraces decentralisation and avoids an ethnocentric approach may foster sustaining peace and social cohesion between all ethnicities, including Bamar and non-Bamar communities, on an equal basis.

Footnotes

In Myanmar’s polycrisis, Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs) provide crucial education for millions. However, their focus on the dominant ethnic group’s identity risks creating new forms of exclusion for minority groups living within the EAO-controlled territories.

Key Takeaways:

• The post-coup expansion of Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEPs) is remarkable, but it mainly prioritizes and serves the dominant ethnic group

• Language and curriculum policies in EAO-controlled areas create new barriers for “minorities within minorities”.

• Interim education systems must prioritise inclusivity and equitable representation of all communities to build a truly federal and democratic Myanmar.

Historical Role of Education in EAO-controlled areas

Throughout history, the Myanmar education system was centralised and used as a tool for national assimilation. This process is often referred to as “Burmanisation“. This policy prioritised Burmese language and culture in the state schools, and marginalised the country’s diverse ethnic minority groups. This was seen as a cultural and identity threat to non-Bamar communities, fuelling decades of civil conflicts. This schooling strategy aims to promote a single national identity and is a core element of state-building, but has instead fuelled the ethnic tensions it sought to suppress.

The ethnic education system in Myanmar stands as a vital mechanism for cultural preservation, resistance, and the assertion of a right to self-determination by marginalised ethnic groups in the face of a persistent state-led “Burmanisation” project. Ethnic Basic Education Providers (EBEPs) were founded to respond to the state-enforced Burmanisation as a critical alternative. Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), civil society organisations (CSOs), and community groups developed independent education programs, particularly in ethnic regions, to counter the junta’s monopoly on education.

Following the 2011 democratic transition, the semi-democratic government made a symbolic transformation to reform and include ethnic languages in the curriculum by the “Mother tongue-based and multi-lingual education; MTB-MLE“. By 2020, 64 minority languages had been introduced as subjects in government schools. Despite these efforts, EBEPs and EAOs continued to operate their own parallel systems, highlighting the lack of trust and reliance on a territorial-based administration system.

Role of EBEPs in post-2021 military coup
After the 2021 military coup, many students and teachers nationwide joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) and boycotted the formal education system. By late 2024, approximately 7 million, or 53%, of Myanmar’s school-age children will be missing out on basic education. Therefore, the EBEPs’ functions became essential in many EAO-controlled territories. EBEPs have established functional and resilient mother tongue-based school systems. EBEPs have seen a surge in enrolment, ensuring the children can still access education amid the ongoing crisis in many places.

The growth of EBEPs since the military coup is a powerful testament to the resilience of communities in a polycrisis setting in Myanmar. The Karen National Union (KNU)’s education system supports over 145,000 students through 1,660 schools, while the Ta’ang National Education Committee (TNEC) serves over 10,000 students in 500 schools. There were only 215 schools in the 2023-2024 academic year in the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) controlled area. The number rose to 448 schools in total during the 2023-2025 academic year, indicating the improvement of the KIO education system in the region.

Minorities within Minorities challenges
However, the rapidly expanding EBEP system has introduced new complexities. The primary goal of providing the necessary education to the marginalized people also creates significant challenges for the minority groups in the EAO-controlled territories.

The creation of parallel education systems by EAOs has been a powerful act of resistance, but the specific peace and conflict dynamics of each ethnic group often shaped these systems. The education regimes developed by the EAOs tend to be more separatist in character when conflict is rife and less separatist when ceasefires are in place.

After the 1027 operation, the prior territories of the EAOs have changed significantly, forming a power and administrative vacuum in particular places. For example, the Palang State Liberation Front/Ta’ang National Liberation Army (PSLF/TNLA) has established a new governance body, the Ta’ang Land Council (TLC), in its newly acquired territory, which overlaps with KIO-controlled areas. Moreover, the TLC’s effort to make the Ta’ang language an official language causes ethnic tension with the Kachin, Shan, and Bamar populations.

Beyond territorial disputes, the issue of “minorities within minorities” is also evident in linguistic and political situations. Many ethnic education systems are designed to promote a specific ethnic identity and language by relying on a single, dominant dialect. For instance, the Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD) places a heavy emphasis on the S’gaw language. This creates an internal hierarchy among even the same ethnic group. Moreover, the Karen conflict is not monolithic, with splinter groups such as the Democratic Karen Benevolent Army (DKBA) and KNU-Peace Council (KNU-PC). Each group has its own education system with distinct curricula that reflect their ideological separation.

In Rakhine state, minority groups such as the Rohingya, Mro, Khumi, and Maramagyi face significant barriers. For the 2025-2026 academic year, the United League of Arakan (ULA) is hiring teachers to reopen schools in AA-controlled areas of 15 townships, including Paletwa township in Chin State. However, the Rohingya teachers have been barred from teaching, and local school committees are being pressured to hire Rakhine teachers. The ULA aims to revitalise Rakhine education, but there is no clear information on how they will provide education for the Chin ethnicity in Paletwa township. These exclusions could damage the reconciliation between the Rakhine and Rohingya communities for the future of Arakan.

Recommendations

To ensure that the interim education system serves as a foundation for the future democratic state and nation-building process, the following factors should be considered by all stakeholders.

1. Decentralised education system: the EAOs should incorporate the micro-minorities with fairer representation, collaboration, and diverse leadership. In this way, the interim education system will be transparent and become an inclusive decision-making process for all people.

2. Cross-ethnic cooperation: to foster mutual understanding and avoid linguistic marginalisation in the controlled areas, the EAOs should coordinate policies to recognise each other.

3. Teacher diversity: The recruitment policies should prioritize inclusivity by ensuring the representation of teachers from underrepresented minority groups.

4. Expand Inclusive Education for all: To bridge the educational gap, all stakeholders should expand education at all levels by supporting necessary training and infrastructure to accompany the innovations to ensure no one is left behind.

Conclusion

The rise of EBEPs in post-coup Myanmar represents an act of extraordinary resilience and a vital community-driven alternative for millions of children facing an acute schooling crisis. Yet, this crucial provision operates as a double-edged sword: the prioritisation of the dominant ethnic group’s identities within EAO-controlled areas risks reproducing the exclusionary mechanisms of the state (such as past Burmanisation policies). This trajectory not only creates “minorities within minorities” but also fundamentally undermines the foundation for a truly federal and democratic building process of Myanmar. For education to contribute to a shared and just future, it must move beyond cultural preservation for dominant groups and embrace principles of inclusivity, equity, and shared governance for all ethnic minority groups within these territories.

Aung Thet Paing Hmue is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc) with over two years of experience in the humanitarian sector. Currently residing in Thailand, he navigates cross-border challenges while building his professional future.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Myanmar's education system has been severely affected since 2020 by the consequences of both COVID-19 and the military coup. Amid various oppressions, many CDM educators and students developed initiatives to uphold the right and ensure continuous learning despite the uncertainty.

Key takeaways:

1. Despite the collapse of Myanmar's formal education system, many initiatives are emerging as both a right to education and an act of resistance against the junta.

2. The interim education system remains fragile and fragmented with current efforts. All stakeholders should consider and fill the gaps collaboratively.

3. Sustainable progress is still required to expand inclusive education for all affected students and holistic support for students and teachers.

Background History

Before the 2021 military coup, Myanmar students faced a temporary pause in education as schools, colleges, and universities were closed to contain the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. To ensure the continuous learning of young people, NLD's Ministry of Education developed the National Response and Recovery Plan for the Education Sector with the support of UN agencies. This plan aimed to reopen and restore education once the global crisis subsided.

After the coup d'état, tens of thousands of civil servants immediately went on strike and joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) to show opposition against the military junta. In some states and regions, 50 to 65 percent of teaching staff joined the movement in 2021, and the junta pressured them to rejoin the service. The CDM movement pushed teachers and students into an uncertain future, with many arrested, and some choosing to flee for safety. The junta regime issued arrest warrants, detained, and sacked striking civil servants as it tries to pressure them back to work. But most still refuse to work under military rule, and nearly 30% of the national educational workforce was terminated by the junta. Only the economically privileged households could afford non-state schools as an alternative.

Following the military conscription law in 2024, many young people, including the CDM students and teachers, fled the country to escape forced service. The students are struggling with educational setbacks, career uncertainty, and severe trauma. Former students often live with no income and are struggling with depression and fear.

Innovations amid repression

Amid Myanmar’s ongoing repression, many CDM-aligned educators and students have taken proactive steps to create alternative higher education pathways by creating Interim University Councils (IUCs). The NUG also established the Basic Education Completion Assessment System (BECA) for the Basic Education Sector while recognising the IUCs as a sign of democratic higher educational institutions. Currently, 31 interim university councils and networks were approved by the NUG, which were aimed to fill the void left by junta-controlled institutions.

Some councils have received significant backing from international partners, while many cannot withstand challenges due to human resource shortages and security issues after four years of military coup. In 2024, the United States launched the Diversity and Inclusion Scholarship Program (DISP). This program aimed to offer full scholarships to marginalised and vulnerable CDM students across Southeast Asian Universities and via online programs through the University of Arizona. In September 2024, the University of Yangon Interim Council announced its Capstone project for transferring credits aimed at students with one semester left to graduate. USAID financially supports this project.

Meanwhile, the EU Mobility Programme for Myanmar (EMPM) has been running since January 2023. It continues to support CDM students to access education through virtual learning and short-term transfers to universities in ASEAN and Europe.

International experts and the Burmese diaspora helped establish the online learning distance education system through various implementations, especially in the higher education sector. National University of the Union of Myanmar (NUUM) and Spring University Myanmar(SUM), founded after the military coup, were accredited by the NUG's Ministry of Education. These universities offer scholarships and non-degree credit transferable certificate programs, which can significantly support the CDM students. Moreover, the Spring University Myanmar (SUM) supports on-ground implementation for the diaspora and CDM students. These initiatives greatly support the conflict-affected CDM and refugee people.

The Ethnic Revolutionary Organisations (EROs), on the other hand, have prior experience in filling the educational gap within the context of armed conflict. The Kachin State Comprehensive University, Ta'ang National Education Committee, and Karen Medical College are examples of the EAO efforts to fill critical higher education gaps. Payap University in Thailand also partnered with Mon National College to offer a joint bachelor's degree, which can be seen as a success for the ethnic centered education.

These initiatives are essential for filling the urgent education gap in Myanmar through diverse approaches. They provide reliable and accredited educational options during political turmoil, while maintaining academic continuity and supporting future leaders in exile.

Challenges

Even though interim education systems provide alternatives for CDM students to continue their education, there are still significant challenges. There are questions regarding the accreditation and recognition of the Interim University Councils. For example, Chulalongkorn University contacted the Myanmar Junta-controlled Medical University (Mandalay) in November 2024. As a result, Myanmar’s military junta labeled the documents illegal and fake. The two students received arrest warrants, and those who helped to notarize and translate their application have been arrested.

US President Donald Trump's decision to make sweeping cuts to foreign aid in his second administration led to the termination of more than US$70 million in funding for education programmes in Myanmar. This decision also affected Myanmar's emerging interim education system. The Diversity and Inclusion Scholarship Program (DISP) and the Capstone Project of the University of Yangon were also terminated, leading to uncertainty for the scholarship-awarded students. The University of Yangon Interim Council stated that they would work their best to resume the Capstone Project.
For many students and teachers who seek to flee and continue their studies abroad, applying for a passport or obtaining a notarised version of their official documents has become dangerous. In one case, the junta arrested the Ministry of Foreign Affairs officials for aiding a junior CDM doctor. Furthermore, the criminal clearance record is still required for most countries, resulting in a deadly trap for the CDM teachers and students.

On the ground, schools run by the NUG and EROs have been repeatedly targeted in attacks. At least 174 schools and universities in Myanmar have been damaged by the airstrikes, shelling, and ground fighting between the military and anti-coup armed forces. This destruction of schools harms a generation during the conflict, without access to education.

Recommendations

1. Build and Strengthen Accreditation: The stakeholders should consider building the current institutions into more transparent recognition frameworks for IUCs, NUG-approved institutions, and ERO-affiliated schools with the help of global networks and international donors.

2. Expand Inclusive Education for all: To bridge the educational gap, all stakeholders should expand education at all levels by supporting necessary training and infrastructure to accompany the innovations to ensure no one is left behind.

3. Provide Holistic Support for CDM students and teachers: the international community should support and protect CDM students and teachers with a holistic approach, not only with physical help but also with a combination of psychosocial and livelihood assistance.
4. Adapt alternative documentation requirements: Hose countries, and universities should consider the alternative verification methods from NUG or third-party attestations instead of requiring certifications from the military junta.

Conclusion

Amid the ruins of Myanmar's former education system, numerous innovations demonstrate the extraordinary resilience of Myanmar's educators and students. The community continues to reclaim education under the NUG and ERO leadership as an act of Defiance against despair without certainty of credibility and accreditation.

However, resilience ‌alone cannot erase the uncertain future of the CDM students. The future of Myanmar depends on inclusive, decentralised, and recognised education. All stakeholders should determine the difficulties and challenges, and how to transform into a reliable and empowered organisation for the future.

Aung Thet Paing Hmue is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc) with over two years of experience in the humanitarian sector. Currently residing in Thailand, he navigates cross-border challenges while building his professional future.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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While climate action and green innovation dominate the sustainability agenda, actual progress demands equal attention to the human dimension, social sustainability.

Key Takeaways:

1. Social sustainability is essential for long-term resilience, focusing on equity, inclusion, community well-being, and environmental goals.

2. Core components- social cohesion, inclusion, resilience, and process legitimacy- are foundational to building just and stable societies.

3. Grassroots initiatives like the Edu4SD project demonstrate how civic education and sustainability literacy can drive meaningful social transformation even in fragile contexts.

In today's global discussions about sustainability, the focus often centres on renewable energy, climate change, and green technology. These environmental and economic components are undeniably important, but another vital pillar of sustainability that usually doesn't receive the same attention is social sustainability. Without addressing the human element of sustainability, even the most sophisticated climate policies and green initiatives risk falling short. Social sustainability emphasizes living, working, interacting, and building communities. It's about ensuring fairness, inclusion, and equity in the social fabric, which is critical for a sustainable future.

The Essence of Social Sustainability

At its core, social sustainability focuses on creating communities where people's needs are met equitably and with dignity. It ensures everyone can access the opportunities and resources needed for a healthy, fulfilling life. Social sustainability isn't just a nice-to-have; it's essential to creating a resilient, inclusive society capable of enduring the long term.

Social sustainability aligns directly with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG 4: Quality Education, SDG 5: Gender Equality, SDG 10: Reduced Inequalities, and SDG 11: Sustainable Cities and Communities. These goals emphasize the need for inclusivity, equal opportunities, and a sense of belonging for all individuals, regardless of their background, gender, or socio-economic status.

Four Key Components of Social Sustainability

Social sustainability includes several components that contribute to its overall success. These are

1. Social Cohesion

Social cohesion is the glue that holds a community together. A cohesive society is one where people share common values, trust one another, and are committed to collective well-being. When socially cohesive, communities can weather crises more effectively and bounce back stronger. Cohesion fosters mutual understanding, collective action, and a sense of shared purpose. Communities built on trust are likelier to engage in conflict resolution, public health initiatives, and governance that benefits everyone.

2. Inclusion

Inclusion is a fundamental aspect of social sustainability. It ensures that everyone, regardless of race, gender, income, or background, can access the resources, services, and opportunities they need. Inclusive development goes beyond basic access; it ensures that marginalized communities are not left behind in pursuing progress. Inclusivity also means allowing everyone to participate in decision-making processes that affect their lives. This principle directly aligns with SDG 5: Gender Equality and SDG 4: Quality Education, which stresses the importance of providing equal opportunities and empowering all individuals, particularly those historically excluded.

3. Resilience

Resilience is the ability of individuals and communities to adapt, recover, and thrive in the face of adversity. In our increasingly unpredictable world, resilience has become a cornerstone of social sustainability. From natural disasters to political instability, socially sustainable communities are better equipped to handle and recover from shocks. They not only survive crises but grow stronger from them. Building resilient communities involves creating safety nets, fostering social networks, and ensuring everyone has the resources and support needed to rebuild and adapt.

4. Process Legitimacy

For a society to be socially sustainable, its processes must be transparent, fair, and inclusive. When decisions are made through legitimate processes, communities are more likely to trust institutions and participate in governance. This is where democracy and public trust come into play. Process legitimacy involves ensuring that all voices are heard, especially those from marginalized or vulnerable groups, and that decisions are made accountable and transparent.

Myanmar's Path to Social Sustainability

While social sustainability is a global concern, its importance is particularly evident in countries like Myanmar, where socio-political challenges often impede long-term progress. Despite these challenges, efforts to promote social sustainability are growing.

One example is the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc), which has been instrumental in promoting social sustainability through its Edu4SD campaign. This initiative focuses on educating and empowering communities in Myanmar to understand and engage with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Through webinars, publications, and community outreach, SRIc bridges the gap between sustainability theory and local practice, ensuring that Myanmar's citizens have the tools to create a more sustainable and equitable future.

The work done by organizations like SRIc demonstrates that education is a powerful tool in promoting social sustainability. Even in the face of political instability, educating people about social cohesion, inclusion, and resilience can foster long-term change. In a recent article on LinkedIn, SRIc emphasized the importance of civic dialogue and local engagement, showing how a collective understanding of sustainability concepts can empower people to drive social change from the ground up. This emphasis on education gives hope that change is possible, even in challenging circumstances.

Why Social Sustainability Matters Now

Social sustainability is not just a concept, but a necessity in today's world. As we grapple with widening inequality and face global challenges like climate change, political instability, and economic disparities, the role of social sustainability becomes even more pronounced. The World Bank's recent report underscores that social sustainability remains underprioritized, a fact that is crucial for long-term development. Without social sustainability, even the most advanced technological and economic solutions will fail to address the needs of the people they serve.

A sustainable future cannot be built solely through technology or finance; it requires a human-centred approach. This approach places the well-being of people at its heart, ensuring that no one is left behind in the pursuit of sustainability. By stressing the human-centred approach, we underscore the importance of prioritizing people's well-being in all sustainability efforts, making the audience feel the significance of this perspective.

Conclusion: Building a Sustainable Future Together

Sustainability is often viewed through the lens of science and technology, but it is a human issue at its core. A truly sustainable world is one where communities are inclusive, resilient, and united in their collective goals. Social sustainability fosters the human connections that enable societies to thrive. By investing in social cohesion, inclusion, resilience, and legitimacy, we support the SDGs and build a future where everyone can flourish. As we continue to confront the challenges of the 21st century, it's clear that the key to a sustainable future lies in our ability to care for one another.

Min Thant is an experienced educator pursuing a Bachelor of Education at SEGi University in Malaysia. With over nine years of teaching experience, he is committed to advancing education in Myanmar through innovative curriculum development and integrating blended learning methodologies.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

The opinions expressed in this article do not represent the official stance of SRIc - Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre. The Sabai Times is committed to publishing a range of perspectives that may not align with editorial policy.

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Peace education offers a powerful, long-term solution for fostering empathy, resilience, and nonviolence among children, especially in conflict-affected regions like Myanmar.

Key Takeaways:

1. Peace education creates a safe, inclusive environment for children to learn academics, empathy, tolerance, and nonviolent communication.

2. Implementing peace-based curricula and teacher training is essential, especially in regions affected by conflict or displacement.

3. Peace education is not an emergency tool but a transformative process for long-term healing and rebuilding of society.

What Is Peace Education?

Peace education goes beyond teaching children to avoid violence. It cultivates a mindset of respect, empathy, community awareness, and constructive conflict resolution. It prepares students to live as thoughtful citizens in diverse, often divided, societies.

In conflict-affected countries like Myanmar, where children are frequently exposed to displacement, discrimination, and violence, peace education is not a luxury—it is a necessity. Peace education empowers young people to become part of the solution in healing fractured communities through nonviolent communication, emotional awareness, and inclusive teaching strategies.

According to Researcher Carolyn B. Pryor, as peace education has evolved, many American educators have revisited their goals, particularly in states like Florida, Georgia, and Michigan, where new immigrant children, often uprooted by violence, are identified as ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages) students. In Michigan, for instance, ESOL high school students successfully petitioned to integrate a peace education course into their curriculum. And those programs were successful.

Peace-Based Learning in Myanmar: The Kalyana Metta Model

Established in 2008, the Kalyana Metta Development Foundation is a local nonprofit based in Myanmar, firmly committed to promoting peace, justice, and environmental awareness. Through its partnerships with Sagaing University of Education and Yangon University of Education, it integrates peace-based learning modules into teacher education and public school curricula.

In 2018, the foundation ran a three-week intensive peace education training in Pyin Oo Lwin, targeting teacher trainees from education universities. Later, they arranged weekend courses and intensive programs in other regions. The results were transformative—not only in classroom practices but in the teachers’ personal lives.

"While attending the course, my expectations have been fulfilled. I appreciate the content you’re teaching. There hasn't been a single day I haven’t reflected on myself."

"I was so excited to join the Intensive Course. The content is all about things I hadn’t thought of or considered before. Throughout the course period, I was filled with self-confidence and joy."

"In the past, whenever a problem arose, I would blame others first. But now, I’ve become more thoughtful and reflective. My students used to be very afraid of me. I used to shout a lot… as soon as I saw a mistake, I immediately yelled at them. But now, my students are amazed by the change in their teacher."

"The topics we discussed and shared were truly excellent. Now that we’re becoming teachers, we’ll plant these seeds of peace together with the children."

Four Core Components of Peace Education in Elementary Schools

1. Empathy Development

• Children are taught to name, understand, and respect their feelings and those of others.

• Classroom activities: Story reflections, emotion cards, and daily “feeling check-ins.”

2. Celebrating Diversity

• Students explore and appreciate different cultures, religions, languages, and abilities.

• Example: Flower diversity games, cultural dress days, and class discussions on fairness.

3. Community Awareness

• Peace education also fosters social responsibility and environmental stewardship.

• Projects: Recycled art from plastic waste, “dream town” drawings, and community service mini-projects.

4. Conflict Resolution Skills

Children learn how to respond to problems using peaceful strategies.

Three-step method:

1. Cool down

2. Talk about it

3. Solve together

These are reinforced through songs, puppetry, and collaborative role play.

Why Peace Education Matters Now More Than Ever

In Myanmar, children face severe challenges due to ongoing conflict, leading to learning loss and trauma from violence and airstrikes. While access to education is crucial, it is equally important that education addresses the emotional needs of these children. Peace education is vital in helping them heal, build resilience, and break the cycle of violence.

Peace education is a long-term investment in the fabric of society. It nurtures the future generation with the essential values of humanism, diversity, and rights. Instilling those values through stories, videos, and real-life examples can help them understand more and, in the long run, can build a peaceful society that all people crave.

Call to Action

Peace education should be embedded into national education policy, teacher training programs, and community initiatives. NGOs, education ministries, and international partners must collaborate to ensure their reach, especially in rural, marginalized, and conflict-affected areas.

As Myanmar continues to face internal conflict and displacement, let us not forget the quiet work of building peace in the hearts of children. Every school can become a safe space. Every teacher can be a peacebuilder.

May Thazin Kyaw is a Bachelor of Elementary Teacher Education student at President University in Indonesia. She has volunteered with various educational academies and movements in Myanmar.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Religious institutions in Myanmar have increasingly filled the educational void, especially since the 2021 coup, by sustaining learning, community support, and leadership development amid conflict and state collapse.

Key Takeaways:

1. Armed conflict from the Spring Revolution, in response to the military regime, has severely weakened—if not collapsed—the formal education system, especially in war-affected areas.

2. University registration declined by more than 68% from 2022 to 2024 compared to the 2019-2020 academic year.

3. The role of religious institutions' contribution to Education has considerably changed post-2021 coup in Myanmar.

Introduction

The suspicion of teachers' involvement in protections against the military in the wake of Myanmar’s 2021 coup, and to disperse the educated youth, the State Administrative Council (SAC) targeted schools and universities. Incidents of armed conflicts, including attacks, destruction, and airstrikes on school compounds, have been widespread in many war-affected areas such as Sagaing, Chin, and Kayah (Kareni). Consequently, the closure of schools and universities is widespread. Students have been arrested, sometimes even killed. Some became members of local PDFs or EAOs. In addition to these, poverty, violence, and limited access to education have severely lessened youth aspirations for further education. After the emergence of conscription law, most university students have continuously boycotted education under military rule by leaving their countries as migrant workers or asylum seekers to resist imprisonment or recruitment. The quality and reliability of education are less guaranteed and getting worse. Hence, the formal educational system has been ruined either wholly or partially. University registration declined by more than 68% from 2022 to 2024 compared to the 2019-2020 academic year.

As formal education is inaccessible in conflict areas, religious institutions took a crucial role in filling the educational void. Not only did monastic and faith-based schooling provide indoctrination and theological education, but they also offered broader academic and leadership training. They historically served as more than places of worship, congregations, and sacred places. They have been centers of learning, community development, social inclusion, and the birth of next-generation leaders. After the 2021 coup, Christian seminaries, Buddhist universities, and Islamic madrasahs have maintained educational programs by offering religious and secular learning amid political turmoil.

Pre-colonial Religious Institutions’ Contribution to Education

Monastic education was one of the best educational systems. At 3 or 4, children, especially boys, were sent to the nearest monastery to learn basic literacy skills in Burmese and Pali, the importance of Buddha teachings, and astrology. It was targeted at the Theravada Buddhist population, especially the major Burmese people. Shah (2019) argues that it was also used to civilize non-Buddhist ethnic groups and to assimilate people into the lowland polities. Moreover, cultural standardization and social norms were transmitted from the monasteries.

As monks ran monastic schools, girls were not admitted to education. The Rights to education and gender equality were not recognized. Traditional conceptions embodied Burmese culture and living standards. Rarely did some girls from elite or royal families receive education, and even then, it was not prioritized.
Furthermore, the education itself did not intend to accommodate diverse ethnic groups within a nation, and it aimed to reinforce a respect for tradition, hierarchy, and Burmanization. A study from the University of Auckland on the Role of Education in Myanmar found that the Myanmar Education system allowed the de facto authority to control its curriculum. Unfortunately, no rulers or Burmese Kings attempted to educate minority ethnic groups, such as Mon, Shan, and Rakhine. Oral tradition was mainly used amongst ethnic people.

The Rise of Western Education/ Church-based Education in British Colonial

Similar to monastic education, church-based education also played a role in manipulating civil control, regulating social movements, and serving as de facto agents of colonial power. All kinds of Christian missionaries, including Baptists, Catholics, and Anglicans, used the Bible as an integral part of the curriculum; however, there were slight alterations to the adopted education system based on the particular religious practices, traditions, cultures, inhabitants, and geographical landscape.

Unlike the education in monasteries amongst Burmese groups, Christian missionaries endeavoured to address the essentials of education to excluded girls and marginalized groups from rural and mountainous regions, for instance, Kachin, Chin, and Karen. However, the homosexuals had not been counted yet. No matter what, Church-led education was a good initiative for ethnic minorities, which could bring the Western governance system, education, a literacy movement, a sense of community, Christian identity, and social mobility from animism. At the end of colonization, those educated in missionary schools became active leaders in their communities, insightful human resources like interpreters, teachers, nurses, and administrators, by challenging societal norms, traditional perceptions, and adapting to political changes in Myanmar.

Religious Institutions’ Contribution to Education in Post-2021 Coup

Not only for education, but religious institutions also contribute to community hubs and development, where social stability, moral, and ethical values are prioritized during the period of national unrest. Students have been nurtured with hope and resilience by promoting compassion, community services, and social justice. What is more, leadership development, youth empowerment, and vocational training are initiated to foster the role of young people in the community with the purpose of national reconstitution during and after the revolution. For example, Islamic madrasahs serve as the sole avenue for Myanmar Muslims to receive Islamic moral and ethical principles, as the national education system excludes religious instruction for all faiths except Buddhism.

Despite the oppressive political environment, violence, and conscription law, the following religious institutions play a vital role in their respective area. Some may not be included in the map because of the limited information.

Conclusion

To sum up, religious institutions in Myanmar have played a crucial role in promoting sustainable education, not just in the wake of the 2021 coup but also throughout history. Despite the political instability, their contributions to education and community development are undeniably significant. By adapting their programs to meet broader community needs, regardless of race, religion, and geographical location, as an example of the admission requirements of the Myanmar Institute of Theology (MIT), they will become invaluable assets, particularly for those students in conflict or war-affected areas, in the nation’s struggle to preserve educational opportunities amid ongoing political unrest.

Aung Ko Ko is a second-year social studies student at the Myanmar Institute of Theology (MIT). He has experience teaching at a migrant centre and studying how political unrest affects youth aspirations in higher education.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Key Takeaways:

1. The conscription law drives mass migration and fuels resistance movements, as young people flee to avoid forced military service.

2. The law accelerates brain drain, disrupts key sectors, and deepens poverty, especially for remaining families inside the country.

3. Forced recruitment, arbitrary arrests, and extortion devastate families, worsening Myanmar's humanitarian crisis.

1. Introduction

In a tale as old as time, a foolish man kills the goose that lays a golden egg each day—driven by greed, he destroys the very source of his fortune. This timeless fable echoes grotesquely in Myanmar today, where the military junta, in its desperate attempt to cling to power, is systematically destroying its own greatest asset: its youth. Once the promise of the nation’s future, Myanmar’s young people are now being forced into military service, fleeing in fear, or falling into despair. Instead of nurturing them to rebuild a fractured nation, the regime is gutting its future for short-term survival. This article unravels how the conscription law, born from desperation and greed, is bleeding Myanmar dry__ sector by sector, soul by soul.

2. Chronicle of the Myanmar Political Army

Looking back in history, Myanmar’s military has always entangled itself in political affairs to benefit its senior officials, rather than focusing on national defense. Since independence in 1948, the military has overstepped in politics, beginning with General Ne Win’s 1962 coup and reinforced by the 1974 and 2008 constitutions. These moves ensured enduring control over national resources and political structures. And with 2015, the victory of the National League of Democracy (NLD) Party, the people of Myanmar got a glimpse of democracy for 5 years. However, the nation's thriving improvement was set back by the 2021 coup led by Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, who reestablished military dominance and accelerated the nation’s decline into a failed state. In response to post-coup protests and the rise of the National Unity Government (NUG) and its armed wing, the People’s Defence Force (PDF), the military launched deadly crackdowns and air raids on civilians. The result: a fractured country plagued by economic collapse, poverty, and food insecurity.

3. The Announcement of Conscription

On February 10, 2024, the junta enforced the dormant Military Service Law amid low morale and battlefield losses. Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing defended the law: "It was enacted purely to protect national security and ensure peace and stability.” Declaring conscription an essential mandated service for men aged 18–35 and women aged 18–27, with professionals eligible up to age 45. Terms range from two to five years during the state of emergency. The first batch of 5,000 was estimated to be conscripted post-Thingyan 2024, though reports of forced conscription emerged earlier, underscoring the regime’s growing desperation.

4. Conscription Sparks Youth Panic

The junta’s harsh conscription law sparked mass panic among youths fearing forced combat against their own people. Thousands rushed to passport offices and two were even killed in a crush waiting in queue, while others turned to marriage, monkhood, or hiding to avoid the draft. Many joined resistance groups like the PDF or Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), supported by networks such as "People’s Embrace." Retaliatory attacks on law enforcement officials caused fear and led some to resign.

The NUG denounced the conscription as unlawful, accusing the regime of exploiting civilians as human shields. It vowed resistance, pledged protection for vulnerable youth, and appealed to the international community for support through visas and educational access for those seeking safety abroad.

Myanmar’s UN ambassador, U Kyaw Moe Tun, urged the UNSC to act, backed by 397 CSOs demanding sanctions and an arms embargo. APHR condemned the draft as violating humanitarian law. EU trade unions labeled it forced labor, calling for the protection of fleeing civilians. ASEAN faced criticism for inaction.

5. Execution Plan: Built on Fraud, Carried by Force

Following the announcement, the junta enforced conscription through formal, coercive, and corrupt means. Local administrators compiled registries, conducted health checks, and barred registrants from leaving the country. And the draft dodgers will face up to five years in prison. A central conscription body and local branches granted exemptions, often in exchange for bribes. Across the nation, a lottery forced families to send youths, triggering suicides and panic. Simultaneously, young people were seized from homes, buses, and streets, with night raids in January 2025 abducting over 120 men from seven working-class areas of Mandalay townships. Widespread bribery let wealthy families dodge conscription, as corrupt officials demanded 2–5 million Kyats (USD 953–2,380). Short training raised fears of being used as human shields or porters. Even the disabled and civilians up to age 65 were recruited for local defense, instilling fear and hardship across communities.

6. Same, but Completely Different

Let's examine the international conscription practices to shed more light on this situation. Around 80 countries worldwide have some form of conscription, but the implementation and support systems vary considerably. The US and China both have enough volunteers to keep their drafts inactive, with the US offering benefits like salaries and education for volunteers. Thailand's system uses a lottery, with an 11,000-baht monthly salary, deployment allowances, and extended service options with performance bonuses for voluntary service. Ukraine's wartime conscription for national defense against Russia saw long volunteer enlistment queues, with over 4.6 million.

In contrast, Myanmar’s conscription law is enforced by a military junta amidst internal conflict. Unlike the US and China, conscripts face forced recruitment, arbitrary arrests, and extortion, with minimal training and fear of being used as human shields. Unlike Thailand, the Junta’s conscription is leaving conscripts and their families in dire circumstances with little to no support. Unlike Ukraine, Myanmar's conscription is driven by a repressive regime fighting against its own people.

7. Crippling Impacts

In consequence, around 45,000 men have been conscripted in nine batches within a year, with 35,000 sent to the frontlines after brief training. Many died in clashes, especially in Rakhine, or defected to resistance forces. Though the regime planned 5,000 recruits monthly, later batches grew, causing heavy casualties and loss of contact with numerous conscripts.

With these alarming fears of conscription, a youth migration wave has sparked, both legally and illegally. Many seek work or study abroad as an escape, but high migration costs and few job opportunities make it very challenging. By popular demand, scholarships have become highly competitive, further limiting overseas education to privileged and wealthy families. Visa applications surged at embassies, but foreign employment for men aged 18–35 has been suspended. Hence, many youths resorted to illegal routes, often fleeing to Thailand and facing arrest, deportation, and forced conscription upon return. Since June 2024, Thailand has deported over 1,700 Myanmar nationals, almost all handed to the junta for conscription.

For youths in Myanmar, the conscription law has triggered emotional turmoil and fear of abduction. Young people are constantly living in “panic mode,” and their daily life is filled with anxiety, derailing education and future plans. Many face the moral dilemma of fighting their own people, with one activist saying, "We are fighting each other, not foreign invaders—it's nonsense."

The impact extends beyond the youth, placing immense financial and emotional strain on their families. Some are forced to pay bribes even after their children are arrested, regardless of conscription status, while others must contribute funds to support local recruits, diverting money from essentials like food. The loss of young breadwinners devastates households, leaving parents unable to pay rent or forcing spouses to consider migration, often separating families.

8. Future Multisectoral Impacts

Myanmar’s conscription law threatens to derail the country’s long-term development across economic, social, political, and demographic dimensions. The enforced draft is accelerating a mass exodus of youth and skilled workers, leading to a critical brain drain. With 3.7 million already migrated to Thailand by 2023, the loss of human capital poses severe risks to economic growth, productivity, and innovation. Conscription removes young people from the labor force, worsening shortages and disrupting sectors like manufacturing and services that are already struggling due to import constraints and instability.

The law also contributes to the collapse of Myanmar’s middle class and hinders human capital development, as students abandon education in fear. Social cohesion is fraying, as forced enlistment deepens ethnic and class divisions. Meanwhile, economic desperation is fueling illicit activities, while rising displacement worsens the regional humanitarian crisis. Overall, the law signals a deepening crisis with severe consequences for Myanmar’s future.

9. Conclusion

As per the NUG Ministry of Human Rights, 23,799 individuals have been conscripted since last April’s first round, with the total including 80 women and 28 children. Given the history, the Junta will continue to do anything and everything to cling to power, at all costs, even if it is turning the nation’s future youths into human shields on the battlefield. And this is the last hurrah of a regime on the brink. Without urgent international attention like humanitarian aid, sanctions on the Junta Regime, and support for democratic actors like the NUG and at-risk youth, Myanmar risks plunging further into authoritarianism, instability, and humanitarian catastrophe. The choices made today will shape the country’s future for decades to come—either toward recovery and reform, or deeper into ruin.

Dr. Htet Khaing Min, a medical doctor, is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc). He recently led Remote Health Projects, focusing on Community Health Worker programs in the border regions of Naga and Karen States.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Menstrual hygiene management (MHM) in Myanmar faces significant challenges due to the ongoing polycrisis: political turmoil, cultural taboos, economic constraints, and limited access to sanitation facilities, particularly in rural and conflict-affected areas.

Key Takeaways:

1. The Myanmar crisis, worsened by the military coup, has driven up the cost of menstrual products, making them unaffordable and forcing reliance on unhygienic alternatives, risking health and dignity.

2. Cultural taboos and poor sanitation, especially in rural and conflict areas, limit access to menstrual products, leading to health risks and social isolation.

3. Reusable products like cloth pads and cups offer a sustainable solution, but education and better sanitation are vital for widespread adoption in low-income and rural areas.

Many women and girls struggle to afford disposable pads, leading to reliance on unhygienic alternatives, while inadequate waste management contributes to environmental pollution. The situation worsens in emergency settings, such as internally displaced persons (IDP) camps, where access to menstrual products and privacy is severely limited.

Since the military coup in February 2021, Myanmar has experienced severe economic turmoil, leading to a sharp increase in the prices of essential goods, including menstrual hygiene products. Before the coup, a pack of eight to ten sanitary pads cost approximately 400 kyats. By mid-2024, the same pack will cost 1,500 and 2,000 kyats, representing a price surge of over 300%, according to Frontier Myanmar. Myanmar Fight For Period Poverty report by the Purple Feminists Group, published in February 2025, further highlights that nearly half of respondents spend between 1,000 and 5,000 kyats on disposable pads, while reusable products such as menstrual discs, cups, and tampons cost over 10,000 kyats, making them unaffordable for many low- and middle-income families.

This sharp increase in menstrual product prices has exacerbated period poverty, making it increasingly difficult for women and girls to afford essential hygiene products. Although awareness of sustainable options like reusable cloth pads and menstrual cups is growing, cultural acceptance, affordability, and access to clean water remain barriers. A balanced approach is needed to address immediate menstrual needs and long-term sustainability, ensuring dignity, health, and environmental responsibility for women and girls across Myanmar.

Immediate Needs in Urgent Situations

In crisis settings, the priority is to provide women and girls with reliable and safe menstrual products to maintain their health and dignity. Disposable sanitary pads are often the go-to solution due to their ease of use and immediate availability. However, the distribution of these products in Myanmar's IDP camps has faced obstacles, including cultural stigmas and logistical challenges. A study on conflict and health highlighted that many women and girls in these camps lack access to adequate MHM materials and facilities, exacerbating health risks and social isolation. Myanmar Fight For Period Poverty report further emphasizes the struggles of menstruators in Myanmar, revealing that many lack awareness and access to proper menstrual products, leading to health risks and social stigmatization. The report calls for educational initiatives, improved accessibility, and dismantling of cultural stigmas to combat period poverty effectively.

Disposable pads' immediate availability and convenience make them a practical option in emergencies. However, there are several challenges associated with their distribution and use. First, the cost of these products has increased dramatically, making it difficult for humanitarian organizations to provide them at scale. Second, many women in rural and displaced communities lack access to private and sanitary disposal facilities, leading to improper disposal methods that contribute to environmental pollution. Third, the stigma surrounding menstruation in Myanmar means that many women feel ashamed or embarrassed to ask for menstrual products, further limiting their access.

To address these challenges, humanitarian organizations and government agencies must prioritize menstrual health in emergency response efforts. This includes ensuring the inclusion of menstrual products in aid packages, setting up designated safe spaces for menstrual hygiene management in IDP camps, and conducting awareness campaigns to break down cultural stigmas. Additionally, donors and international organizations must provide financial support for menstrual product distribution, helping offset the rising costs due to economic instability.

Sustainable Solutions for Long-Term Impact

While addressing immediate needs is crucial, it is equally important to consider the environmental impact and sustainability of menstrual products. Reusable options, such as cloth pads and menstrual cups, offer a viable alternative. These products reduce environmental waste and prove to be cost-effective over time. In Myanmar, initiatives have been launched to produce reusable sanitary pads locally, empowering women economically and providing a sustainable solution for menstrual hygiene. For instance, a pilot program from UNFPA trained women in IDP camps to manufacture "Safepads," reusable pads designed for day and night use. This initiative supplied necessary products and created income opportunities for the women involved.

Reusable products offer multiple benefits beyond sustainability. First, they are cost-effective in the long run, reducing the financial burden on low-income families. A menstrual cup, for example, can last up to ten years, whereas disposable pads need to be purchased every month. Second, reusable products significantly reduce menstrual waste, helping to address the growing environmental concerns associated with disposable pads. Third, locally produced reusable pads can generate employment opportunities for women, fostering economic independence and empowerment.

However, despite these advantages, there are still barriers to the widespread adoption of reusable menstrual products in Myanmar. Cultural resistance remains strong, with many women hesitant to use menstrual cups due to misconceptions and a lack of proper education on their benefits. Moreover, access to clean water and sanitation is a major concern, as proper hygiene practices are necessary to maintain reusable products safely. Reusable products may pose health risks without adequate washing facilities rather than serve as a sustainable solution.

Targeted education and awareness campaigns are essential to encourage sustainable menstrual products. Schools and community groups should incorporate menstrual hygiene education into their programs, teaching young girls about the benefits and proper use of reusable products. Financial assistance programs should also be established to make these products accessible to low-income households. Government support is also critical, whether through subsidies, tax reductions on menstrual products, or investments in better sanitation infrastructure. However, the current political landscape in Myanmar can’t expect a government-led initiative for MHM either from State Administration Council (SAC) or the National Unity Government (NUG).

Conclusion

Balancing feasibility and sustainability in menstrual hygiene management in Myanmar requires careful consideration of multiple factors. Cultural acceptance remains a significant barrier, as menstrual cups and reusable pads may face resistance due to societal norms and misconceptions. Community education is essential to shift perceptions and promote the benefits of sustainable products. Access to clean water and sanitation is another crucial factor, as reusable products require proper cleaning, making disposable options more practical in areas lacking these facilities. Economic challenges also play a role, with the initial cost of reusable products posing a barrier for many women. Programs that subsidize these products or provide them for free can help alleviate this issue. Additionally, the environmental impact of disposable pads is substantial, making promoting reusable products a necessary step towards sustainability.

A multi-faceted approach is needed to address the menstrual health crisis in Myanmar effectively. This includes emergency response efforts to provide immediate relief, long-term strategies to promote sustainable menstrual products, and policy reforms to improve overall menstrual health management. By tackling both the short-term and long-term challenges, Myanmar can ensure that all women and girls have access to safe, dignified, and sustainable menstrual hygiene solutions, regardless of their economic or social status.

Naychi Thel Kyaw Tun is a Program Manager at the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc) and a YSEALI Academic Fellow in Society & Governance at Western Washington University in the United States. She has been admitted to pursue her master’s in Development Studies at the University of Melbourne in Australia.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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Myanmar refugees in Thailand face hardship and uncertainty, struggling with poverty, discrimination, and the constant fear of deportation, all while their access to healthcare remains limited.

Key Takeaways

1. Myanmar migrants in Thailand face financial, legal, and language barriers that restrict access to healthcare.

2. Limited healthcare access for migrants worsens issues like malaria, TB, and maternal health, impacting migrants and Thailand's healthcare system.

3. Expanding insurance, improving rural care, addressing language barriers, and ensuring legal protections are vital for migrant health and Thailand’s public health.

As of 2024, over 4.18 million Myanmar migrants reside in Thailand, many in irregular status, working in low-wage sectors like agriculture and construction. These migrants face significant barriers to healthcare, impacting both their well-being and Thailand’s public health system. This article explores the healthcare-seeking behavior of Myanmar migrant workers, the challenges they face, and the broader implications for Thailand’s healthcare system.

1. Background of Migration

Myanmar migrants make up one of Thailand’s most significant foreign worker populations, driven by economic instability, political turmoil, and ethnic conflicts, especially after Myanmar’s 2021 military coup. While 90,000 refugees live in border camps, millions live outside in precarious conditions. Around 1.8 million migrants are in irregular status, facing exploitation and limited access to essential services, including healthcare. Migrants enter Thailand through formal channels like MoU agreements or informal routes. While MoU workers have some legal protections, irregular migrants face significant barriers to healthcare and social services.

2. Current Migrant Healthcare Landscape in Thailand

To understand the migrant healthcare system in Thailand, it is essential to examine the broader landscape of the healthcare system first. While Thailand boasts a dual healthcare system comprising public and private sectors, access to these services remains challenging for many migrants.

2.1 Private Healthcare: Costly and Out of Reach

Thailand’s private healthcare sector offers high-quality services but at a steep cost. General practitioner consultations range from $30 to $80, while specialist consultations cost between $45 and $120, excluding additional hospital, treatment, and transportation charges. For migrant workers earning an average monthly income of $290 to $320, private healthcare is largely unaffordable.

Additionally, medical expenses in Thailand, which have been steadily rising since 2020, are expected to climb by an additional 15% in 2025. And these rising medical costs worsen healthcare access for underpaid migrant workers. Low wages make quality care unattainable, and unresolved pay issues heighten barriers. Addressing wage inequality and improving healthcare affordability is essential to protect the well-being of vulnerable migrants.

2.2. Public Healthcare: Affordable but Limited

The public sector, including government hospitals and clinics, provides cost-friendly healthcare options. However, irregular migrants face significant barriers due to their legal status. Fear of deportation or arrest often deters them from seeking care at public facilities. Language and cultural differences further complicate their access to essential services.

2.3. Insurance Schemes and Their Shortcomings

To address these challenges, Thailand has introduced several health insurance schemes over the years, including Social Security Fund (SSF) (1991), Workman’s Compensation Fund (WCF) (1994), Migrant Health Insurance Scheme (MHIS) (1998), Migrant-Fund (M-Fund) (2017), and Health Insurance for Non-Thai People (HINT) (2024). While these schemes aim to provide coverage, their impact has been limited. The SSF, WCF, and MHIS cater primarily to specific employment sectors and exclude undocumented migrants. The M-Fund and HINT are designed to address these gaps, offering access to irregular migrants. However, challenges remain in raising awareness among migrants about these schemes and ensuring they understand how to utilize the benefits effectively.

2.4. Rural and Border Areas: A Greater Challenge

Healthcare access is even more restricted in rural and border areas, where many migrants reside. Free clinics run by NGOs and INGOs, such as the Mae Tao Clinic, World Vision, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), fill healthcare gaps. However, these services are often insufficient to meet the growing demand.

2.5. Migrant Health Volunteers: Bridging the Gap

Migrant Health Volunteers (MHVs) connect migrants to healthcare services, particularly in remote regions. Working alongside local NGOs, MHVs raise awareness about available services and rights as a crucial link between migrants and healthcare providers.

3. Impact of Migration on Thailand's Public Health Sectors

The recent surge of migrants from Myanmar into Thailand, especially after Myanmar’s February 2024 conscription law, has raised concerns in Thailand’s public health sector, with challenges in disease prevention, healthcare coverage, and achieving a sustainable healthcare system. Key health concerns include:

1. Malaria: Migrants in border provinces like Tak face heightened malaria risks due to limited access to prevention and healthcare services. In 2023, Thailand reported nearly 17,000 malaria cases, a sharp rise from 9,989 in 2022, with 42% imported from neighboring countries, primarily Myanmar. Tak province, a hotspot for malaria, accounted for over half of these cases, experiencing sporadic outbreaks. Challenges in addressing malaria among migrants include their mobility, remote living conditions, and social barriers such as isolation, discrimination, and limited community integration.

2. Tuberculosis (TB): TB remains a critical issue for migrant workers in Thailand, especially in border regions with rising cases and drug-resistant strains. In 2023, TB incidence increased to 157 per 100,000 from 143 per 100,000 in 2021. Tailored community programs integrating TB, HIV/AIDS, and maternal health services can improve education, diagnosis, and treatment adherence.

3. HIV and Syphilis: Unsafe sexual practices and inadequate access to sexual health education have led to elevated rates of HIV and syphilis among migrant populations in Thailand. Research shows that migrants from neighboring countries face an HIV prevalence up to four times higher than that of the general Thai population.

4. Maternal, Neonatal, and Child Health (MNCH): Migrant women, especially those with irregular status, face numerous obstacles in accessing maternal care and sexual health services. Financial constraints, limited MHIS coverage, and discrimination, including refusal to renew MHIS during pregnancy, exacerbate these challenges. Fear of deportation and high healthcare costs often force undocumented pregnant women to choose unsafe home births over essential hospital services.

5. Vaccination: Immunization rates among migrant children in Thailand, particularly those from Myanmar, remain suboptimal. The lack of access to routine vaccination services is exacerbated by irregular migration status, geographical isolation, and language barriers.

4. Limitations in Access to Healthcare

Despite the availability of healthcare resources, Myanmar migrants in Thailand face numerous challenges in accessing adequate medical care. These barriers are multifaceted, rooted in policy gaps, socioeconomic factors, and legal constraints, creating a complex landscape for healthcare access.

4.1. Policy Gaps and Financial Barriers

Eligibility for social protection programs like the Social Security Fund (SSF) and Workmen’s Compensation Fund (WCF) is often tied to specific employment sectors and statuses, leaving many migrants without coverage. Data from the Thailand Migration Report 2024 reveals that as of February 2024, only 51% of migrants were enrolled in a health insurance scheme, indicating that nearly half of eligible workers lack health insurance. For those without coverage, the steep upfront costs of healthcare services significantly deter seeking timely medical attention. This financial strain is particularly severe for irregular migrants, who face disproportionate challenges in accessing affordable care.

4.2. Geographical and Gender-Based Challenges

Migrants in remote or border regions face significant healthcare access challenges, with long travel distances adding financial and time burdens. Female migrant workers, especially those in domestic roles, encounter additional barriers, such as clinic hours conflicting with work schedules, unwelcoming attitudes from healthcare providers, and clinic distances. These factors limit their access to essential sexual and reproductive health services, exacerbating gender-based health disparities.

4.3. Socioeconomic and Legal Factors

A significant portion of Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand earn below the minimum wage, with 37% earning less. Women earn an average of 350 THB per day, compared to 400 THB for men, and migrants in provinces like Tak earn even less. These low wages make healthcare and insurance unaffordable, while limited education leaves many unaware of their health rights, contributing to the underutilization of healthcare services.

4.4. Language Barriers and Communication Challenges

Language barriers are a critical challenge for migrant workers in accessing healthcare, leading to misunderstandings, misdiagnoses, and delayed treatment. Without adequate language support, many migrants resort to drug stores for minor ailments, risking improper medication. The lack of translators in healthcare facilities further exacerbates these communication issues, limiting access to essential care.

4.5. Fear of Legal Repercussions

Fear of legal repercussions is a significant barrier for irregular migrants in Thailand seeking healthcare. Many avoid medical facilities to prevent arrest or deportation, leaving health issues unaddressed. Without legal status, they rely on health posts or free clinics but face risks of arrest or bribery near official healthcare services, perpetuating mistrust and inadequate care.

5. Conclusions and Recommendations

The healthcare challenges faced by Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand are multifaceted, involving a complex interplay of legal, financial, geographic, and socio-cultural factors. To improve access to healthcare, Thailand must address the systemic barriers hindering migrant workers' access to essential services. Key recommendations include:

1. Enhancing Health Insurance Coverage: Expanding migrant health insurance schemes to cover all migrant workers, regardless of their legal status, is essential.

2. Increasing Awareness and Outreach: Expanding awareness campaigns and outreach programs targeting migrant communities, especially in remote areas, can help increase knowledge of available healthcare services.

3. Improving Healthcare Infrastructure in Rural Areas: Expanding healthcare facilities in rural and border regions and providing mobile health units will help bridge the access gap.

4. Addressing Language Barriers: Increasing the availability of translators and culturally sensitive healthcare services will improve communication and reduce misunderstandings.

5. Strengthening Legal Protections: Reducing the fear of deportation by strengthening legal protections for migrants seeking healthcare will encourage timely treatment and reduce the burden of preventable diseases.

In conclusion, addressing the healthcare needs of Myanmar migrant workers in Thailand is not only a moral imperative but also essential for safeguarding public health. By addressing these challenges through comprehensive policy changes, Thailand can ensure that all workers, regardless of their legal status, have the healthcare they need to lead healthy, productive lives. It can also help Thailand build a more inclusive and sustainable healthcare system that benefits migrants and the broader population.

Dr. Htet Khaing Min, a medical doctor, is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc). He recently led Remote Health Projects, focusing on Community Health Worker programs in the border regions of Naga and Karen States.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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The recent sexual harassment case involving Salai Isaac Khen within Myanmar’s National Unity Government (NUG) highlights critical issues of gender equity, accountability, and ethical governance in the struggle for democracy. 

Key Takeaways:

1. The NUG’s commitment to gender equality is under scrutiny following sexual harassment allegations against a key representative, revealing gaps in its internal accountability mechanisms.

2. Myanmar’s patriarchal culture and the NUG’s position in an ongoing conflict complicate efforts to address gender-based violence effectively within its ranks.

3. The international community’s support for the NUG should be conditioned on its demonstrated progress in implementing gender equity reforms and accountability measures.

Since Myanmar’s 2021 coup, the National Unity Government (NUG) has emerged as a beacon of hope in the struggle for democratic governance, opposing the military junta’s oppression. Tasked with protecting human rights and restoring democratic values, the NUG faces public expectations to uphold high ethical standards, especially as it seeks international recognition as Myanmar’s legitimate government. However, a recent sexual harassment case involving Salai Isaac Khen, the NUG’s representative in India, has cast a shadow over this mission.  This incident tests the NUG’s dedication to the principles of gender equity and accountability, questioning its ability to protect vulnerable populations within its ranks. This analysis dives into the context, implications, and necessary steps for reform within the NUG. 

Background: Gender Inequality in Myanmar

Myanmar’s deeply rooted gender inequality is exacerbated by long-standing military rule, where women are often marginalized in both public and private sectors. Despite limited gains, like increased female representation to 16% in the 2020 elections, patriarchal norms still impede women’s involvement in decision making. 

Furthermore, women in conflict zones face widespread abuse from military personnel, as these areas often see the worst violations against female citizens. The lack of legislative protection against gender-based violence has perpetuated a climate of impunity, deepening the challenges women face in Myanmar.

The NUG’s Position on Gender Equity

Positioning itself as a progressive force for change, the NUG has touted its commitment to inclusivity and gender equality. With 24% of senior NUG roles held by women and the establishment of the Ministry of Women, Youth, and Children Affairs (MOWCYA), it has demonstrated a historic commitment to women’s representation. However, Khen’s alleged misconduct raises critical questions about whether the NUG’s policies on gender equity are implemented effectively or exist merely as symbolic gestures.

The Case of Salai Isaac Khen

Salai Isaac Khen, a former advocate for gender equality, allegedly harassed a female secretary who worked at the NUG's Ministry of Foreign Affairs in India. According to reports, the harassment began shortly after her employment started in April 2023, escalating as her requests to resign were initially dismissed. Beyond sexual advances, Khen allegedly assigned personal tasks unrelated to her role, which created a toxic and exploitative work environment. An internal investigation led the NUG’s Policy Central Committee to conclude that Khen’s actions were inappropriate, resulting in his dismissal on August 1st, 2024. 

The allegations of sexual harassment against Issac Khen cast a stark shadow of hypocrisy, especially given his public image as a prominent advocate for gender rights, human rights, and women’s empowerment. Known for his research and publications on gender-based violence and equality, Khen’s actions sharply contradict his own purported values. However, on October 8, Khen publicly denied the allegations, claiming that the investigation was flawed and that he was not afforded a fair process.

In his public denial, Khen asserted that he was not involved in any actions violating PSHEA’s (Protection from Sexual Harassment, Exploitation, and Abuses) sexual harassment policy. He contended that the investigation team never questioned him about specific allegations, such as inappropriate comments or advances. Khen further claimed that some witnesses gave false testimony, aiming to damage his reputation through social media and false statements. Despite the PSHEA policy permitting an appeal, Khen stated that he was denied this right after the Ministry of Foreign Affairs completed its inquiry, a move that he argues violated procedural fairness.

Impact on NUG’s Credibility

The allegations against Khen come at a critical juncture for the NUG, which seeks domestic and international legitimacy. This incident risks alienating the NUG’s core supporters, including women and civil society organizations integral to Myanmar’s resistance movements. Also, this erosion of trust underscores the necessity for the NUG to implement robust accountability mechanisms that align with its commitment to human rights.

Broader Context of Gender-Based Violence in Myanmar’s Conflict

Myanmar’s military has long employed sexual violence as a weapon against women, particularly in ethnic conflict areas. Women’s rights groups report routine abuses by military personnel, with many survivors reluctant to come forward due to cultural stigma and fear of reprisal. Unfortunately, gender-based violence is not limited to the military; some resistance groups have also been implicated in abuses, further challenging the NUG’s moral authority. Resistance forces have also been implicated in cases of abuse, as highlighted by incidents of rape and murder by NUG-linked defense groups.

For example, in May 2023, NUG pursued legal action against Aung Min, an NLD official, for allegedly raping a five-year-old girl in a Mae Sot safe house for Myanmar dissidents. After the child’s mother, a former teacher involved in Myanmar's Civil Disobedience Movement reported the assault to NUG officials, the NUG collaborated with Thai authorities for the arrest. He was arrested swiftly by the Ministry of Home Affairs, reportedly escaped detention, and has not been found since. While the victim and her mother have been relocated for safety, public frustration over delayed action has escalated, with advocates urging NUG accountability and justice for the victim. Another disturbing incident in Chaung-U Township, Sagaing Region, highlights the urgent need for the NUG to address sexual violence within its forces. In August 2022, NUG-linked resistance fighters executed seven civilians, including three underage girls who were raped before being killed. While the NUG has acknowledged the unlawful killings, it has failed to address the horrific sexual violence perpetrated by its own forces.

And other abuse cases have also emerged, such as a Rohingya woman who fled to Bangladesh and was raped by Arakan Army (AA) soldiers, while they killed her husband. Such cases illustrate a disturbing normalization of violence, where even revolutionary factions adopt brutal tactics historically associated with the junta.

Cultural and Social Barriers

In Myanmar, patriarchal traditions often pressure women to endure harassment silently, discouraging them from reporting abuses due to societal stigma. Women face severe criticism and victim-blaming, especially in cases of sexual violence, with expectations of obedience to cultural norms that view them as protectors of family honor. This cultural backdrop further complicates the NUG’s challenge in implementing gender-equitable policies, as deep-rooted biases continue to discourage victims from speaking out.

Policy Gaps and the Need for Reform

While the NUG has taken some initial steps to address gender-based violence through the PSHEA policy, Khen’s case reveals severe gaps in enforcement. Women’s organizations have called for independent investigative bodies to handle harassment cases within the NUG transparently and effectively. Establishing credible processes for reporting, investigating, and addressing abuse allegations will demonstrate the NUG’s commitment to a gender-responsive government structure, restoring public confidence in its ethical integrity.

Moving Forward

To rebuild its credibility and affirm its commitment to gender equality, Myanmar’s NUG should implement critical reforms. First, precise reporting mechanisms should be established, enabling victims to report harassment confidentially without fear of retaliation. Next, enforce accountability through strict disciplinary actions against offenders at all levels, demonstrating a zero-tolerance policy toward gender-based violence. Additionally, mandatory gender sensitivity training should be introduced to promote respectful workplace conduct and prevent future incidents. Finally, collaborate with women’s rights organizations to create safe environments for women and include their perspectives in policy-making, ensuring their voices are genuinely represented.

Role of the International Community

Ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and Myanmar have led to a rise in gender-based violence, especially affecting displaced women and girls. While Ukraine's developed infrastructure and international support allow for comprehensive support systems for victims, including crisis hotlines, shelters, and counseling services, Myanmar's NUG faces limitations in providing adequate care. NUG should learn from Ukraine's approach and strengthen international collaborations to improve its response.

The international community, including governments and NGOs that support the NUG, can play a vital role in promoting these reforms. International humanitarian agencies should condition financial aid and diplomacy on the NUG’s demonstrated progress toward gender equity, reinforcing the importance of human rights within the government-in-exile. Such conditions would compel the NUG to take meaningful action, ensuring its policies are not merely rhetorical.

Conclusion: A Defining Moment for the NUG’s Commitment to Gender Equity

The sexual harassment case within the NUG is a pivotal moment in Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement, demanding transparency, accountability, and tangible reforms from the NUG. Addressing this incident decisively would signal to both Myanmar’s citizens and the international community that the NUG stands firmly against abuse, embodying the ethical standards it claims to uphold. The NUG Human Rights Ministry should establish a digital reporting system for sexual abuse cases to facilitate victim reporting. Collaborating with the Women's Ministry can also enhance collective efforts to address this issue.

By embracing these reforms, the NUG can reinforce its image as a genuine advocate for human rights and equality, advancing Myanmar’s path toward a democratic society that values all voices. This case underscores the urgency of addressing systemic gender-based violence, ensuring that the NUG remains a trusted symbol of ethical governance in a country that desperately needs it.

Dr. Htet Khaing Min, a medical doctor, is a Junior Research Fellow at the Sustainability Lab of the Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc). He recently led Remote Health Projects, focusing on Community Health Worker programs in the border regions of Naga and Karen States.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

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According to traditional gender roles in Myanmar, daughters, especially unmarried and the youngest ones, are often expected to take responsibility for caring for their parents in old age. This unequal distribution of responsibilities reflects an issue of gender inequality in our society, where the burden simply falls on women because of their gender.

In fact, gender inequality not only exists in Myanmar but also globally in different forms, such as the pay gap, limitations in career development, and hiring bias in the workplace. So, where shall we start to address this issue? The answer lies at home. The family is the most fundamental unit of society, where each individual first learns about gender norms. It is necessary to pass on a balanced perspective of gender roles and responsibilities to future generations.

The most important step to changing gender dynamics is practicing shared responsibilities in the household. Tasks like cooking, making beds, and raising children should be assigned based on fairness, not gender. Children who see shared responsibilities are more likely to grow up with a mindset of gender fairness and mutual respect in their adult lives.

Another step is to change attitudes within the family. Typically, social norms shape personal attitudes and beliefs. However, changing attitudes within families is not always easy; it can face cultural barriers, particularly more in traditional societies like Myanmar. Engaging community leaders and role models in conversations may help overcome these obstacles and increase family acceptance.

This change in attitude within families can profoundly impact the workplace. Future leaders who have been raised equally in the family from an early age are more likely to advocate gender equality in their professional lives. Just as household responsibilities should be divided fairly, these leaders will likely allocate tasks based on merits and capabilities rather than outdated gender stereotypes.

In this way, they help to break the cycle of gender biases in the workplace. Globally, women account for nearly half of the world's population, a significant global workforce. Research indicates that diverse and inclusive workforces are vital in creating a successful and sustainable world. Recognizing women's contributions in the workplace allows us to build a more inclusive and productive working environment, leading to global economic growth.

However, promoting gender equality in family units alone cannot solve the issue of gender inequality in society. Law enforcement and legal frameworks like equal parental leave, wage transparency, and the education system all play an integrated part in fostering gender equality.

Only by addressing gender inequality at its roots—both in the family and through a comprehensive approach—can we achieve a world with equal opportunities for both men and women.

Windia Soe is a humanitarian health practitioner with over seven years of experience in health and social behavior change projects, working with various international and local NGOs.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

The opinions expressed in these articles do not represent the official stance of SRIc - Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre. The Sabai Times is committed to publishing a range of perspectives that may not align with editorial policy.

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Myanmar’s cultural landscape is rich and complex, but some long-standing norms hinder progress, particularly in the realm of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). For women and marginalized groups, access to SRHR is not just about healthcare—it is about autonomy, dignity, and equality. However, harmful cultural practices, including forced and unwanted marriages, continue to limit women’s control over their own bodies and their access to reproductive health services.

One of the most dangerous cultural norms related to SRHR in Myanmar is the practice of forced or early marriages. In many rural areas, girls are married off at a young age, often without their consent. These marriages strip women of their autonomy and expose them to risks of early pregnancies, health complications, and gender-based violence. Young brides are frequently pressured to bear children immediately, which can lead to significant maternal health risks, including unsafe abortions and long-term health issues.

Furthermore, cultural beliefs surrounding family honor can prevent women from accessing contraception or making decisions about family planning. In many communities, discussing reproductive health is viewed as inappropriate or shameful, resulting in a lack of education about contraceptive options and safe sexual practices. This silence perpetuates a cycle of misinformation, leaving women, especially young brides, without the knowledge needed to make informed decisions about their bodies and futures.

Dangerous cultural practices surrounding menstruation and childbirth also exacerbate the challenges faced by women in accessing SRHR. In some communities, women are considered “impure” during these times, leading to exclusion from social and healthcare services. Such stigma can deter women from seeking essential medical care, risking their health and well-being. Breaking these cultural barriers is essential for advancing SRHR and achieving gender equality.

Communities must foster open dialogues about the importance of SRHR and work to destigmatize conversations around reproductive health. Education is critical to empowering women with knowledge about their rights, enabling them to make informed decisions about their health. Engaging men in these discussions is equally important, as they, too, must understand the significance of shared decision-making and respect for women’s autonomy.

At the policy level, it is crucial to ensure that SRHR services are accessible, inclusive, and discrimination-free. Governments, health organizations, and NGOs must collaborate to create safe environments where women and minorities feel comfortable seeking the care they need. This includes expanding access to contraception, maternal health services, and comprehensive sexual education, particularly in rural and underserved areas.

Ultimately, advancing SRHR is about health, equality, and human rights. Ensuring that women have the autonomy to make decisions about their own bodies is fundamental to creating a just and inclusive society. By breaking cultural barriers and promoting SRHR, Myanmar can move toward a future where gender equality is not just a goal but a reality.

Phyo Thura Aung is a passionate advocate for social change in Myanmar, focusing on gender equality and youth empowerment.

“Advocating Sustainability, Shaping Our Future”

The opinions expressed in these articles do not represent the official stance of SRIc - Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre. The Sabai Times is committed to publishing a range of perspectives that may not align with editorial policy.

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